In this section the paper examines the extent to which the civil reforms programs are consistent with the objectives of the Ethiopian developmental state. In doing this, the paper has assessed the likely impact of ideological shifts on the national civil service reforms and the grand beliefs in the Ethiopian decentralization program. Following the outgoing tide of the neo-liberal, there has emerged a renewed role of the state in the development process. As the result many developing countries started to confirm that the state is central to economic and social development. As some writers claim, this wave nailed the coffin of the neoliberalist’s states, pointing to its theoretical flaws and its disastrous consequences for economic growth. …show more content…
This discussion is also concerned with the wider policy implications of the developmental state with the reform program and the central roles of developmental bureaucracy. In this regard, decentralization is a central aspect of Ethiopian civil service reforms and prominent features dedicated to transforming Ethiopia and its nations in a way that we will never recognize it (Watson & Yohannes, 2005). There are three classical typology of decentralization. These include: i) deconcentration is pursued in an extreme form through the establishment of executive agencies, ii) delegation is pursued through the advocacy of private sector participation in service delivery and iii) devolution is pursued by support for the transfer of service delivery responsibilities to sub-national tiers of government (Rondinelli & Nellis, 1986).
Nevertheless, it appears that the highly decentralized governmental structures implicit in devolution are in sharp conflict with the centralist administrative structures that characterize successful developmental states. In Ethiopia, this was observed by Meheret Ayenew (2014) in his study on ‘Growth and Transformation Plan: Opportunities, Challenges and Lessons’ particularly while referring to the positive lessons from the preparation of national development plans, he reported that the positive traditions that were
Throughout the rigmarole of political history of the United States of America, the growth of the “fourth branch of government”, the Bureaucracy, has been a prominent, controversial topic. Peter Woll, in his article “Constitutional Democracy and Bureaucratic Power”, and James Q. Wilson, in his article “The Rise of the Bureaucratic State”, discuss this developing administrative branch. The Constitution has no written mention of an “administrative branch”, and today’s Bureaucracy is often tedious, corrupt, and even undemocratic. But such a branch’s development and expansion is necessary in order to keep par with an evolving and changing society.
The first thing that strikes me about The Star of Ethiopia is the stark difference in structure and style. The structure itself does not revolve around a single person or character but rather of a peoples as a whole. The plot follows an entire race of people through history, and the urgency of the story is not lost, but rather it is amplified. Likewise, the style of the show requires a unification of collaboration to create a spectacle for show. DuBois gives a freedom to a production to make a production of his pageant specific to their wants in needs while also still ensuring that a truthful history is given. The theme of these two aspects is a collectivism that permeates the psychology and culture of people of color, which truly separates this show from the other theatre of the time. The collectivism that DuBois uses in The Star of Ethiopia is illustrated as a collective retelling the history of African Americans, but also sets in motion a redefining of what it means to be African American and how they
In accordance with the growth of the nation, the federal bureaucracy has followed suit. The federal bureaucracy is an organization formed to accomplish implementation, regulation, and administration with efficiency. Scaling such an operation to the needs of a growing nation requires copious amounts of time and effort; two requirements that are difficult to give to the organization, so to compensate, it grows irregularly and with less efficiency. Bred from this irregularity, the government added agencies apart from the executive agencies to help the bureaucracy run smoothly. These agencies served to capture the duties which executive agencies could not, named independent agencies because of the relationship of control by the government. Due to their use in filling bureaucratic voids, independent agencies provide a service which seems necessary to the structure of government.
Political structures are defined as the formal or informal political procedures through which decisions are made regarding the usage, production and distribution of resources in any given community. Formal political structures through its organizations can control processes such as election of leaders; parts and tasks of the executive and administration; organization of political representation (through political parties); and the obligation and oversight of the state. Informal and communal political structures, customs and rules can work within or together with the formal political organizations. In development, democratic political structures are seen to deliver prospects for all without discrimination (Scott & Mcloughlin, 2014).
Ethiopia is a strong, diverse country located in the eastern region of Africa also known as the “Horn of Africa”. The land area is 1,221,900 square kilometers and is relatively close to the Arabian Sea and the Red Sea. It has a population of 90M with 28% below the poverty line and an unemployment rate of 25%. Almost half of the population is under the age of 18. Economy is mostly based on
Being about to notice the fact that political leaders and many others in the government are embezzling found was bad enough but that they went as far as to be obvious is even worse, and it describes Somalia perfectly. Somalia has other problems along with a bad government; there a perfect location for terrorist attacks, poverty, hunger, and the rise of warlords. The article, State Failure, State-Building, and Prospects for a “Functional Failed State” in Somalia, tries to describe the issues in building government Institutions to help the people of the country in order for them to become a more developed country. For the last two decades Somalia has been in a bad shape, and construction of (an) institution(s) has been taking an extensive amount of time. Mostly due to the funds not reaching the right places and the lack of motivation to build a better central government. From most of the evidence collected for the article show that local laws seem to work best, people running their towns, homes, and businesses the way that they see best rather than depending on the government to inforce their laws. According to what seems to be working, informal government such as the what the small town made to keep things going peacefully, are better at building institutions then formal governments, thus it said that “institution building might not be for Somalia”. Seeing how the creation and betterment of the formal government institution has created many problems, it’s not a big surprise that small more focused policies work best for a country that can’t depend on its
Best practices and worst lessons from failed experiences of devolution and self-governance in one community, serve as precedence in making better devolution self-government deals with the government in other northern communities. The north is all interconnected and network in this era of globalization.
According to Adrian Leftwich in Politics in Command: Studies and the Rediscovery of Social Science, the “best and most challenging social science has always sought to explore the ways in which economic, political and social institutions have interacted over time” (Leftwich, 2005). Because all relationships are important to the political economy of development, every institution should be promoted together, as opposed to specifically focusing on one (i.e. only economics). As a result, the field of the political economy of development focuses on the centralization of institutions, governance and economics for development purposes. Unfortunately, there is no straightforward formula that leads to development. Under different cultural, political and economic criteria, every state is unique. However, one attribute is universal across all states; the primary ambition of ruling elites is to continue their incumbency. As discussed in lecture, to be able to govern effectively, a state needs access to material resources. In effect, the connection of resource and government establishes an important relationship between politics and economic institutions (Eyoh, 2015). If there is a between institutional capacity and effectiveness, states cannot achieve their target of development. The idea between bureaucratic capacity and economic organization is especially difficult in the area of food aid. Providing food
The Development of a country to a large extent depends on how the bureaucracy of that country functions. As bureaucracy gives input in policy making, implements those and evaluate outcome of an implemented policy,
Most of these political institutions are paternalized from colonial constructs and they have either failed woefully or underperformed in delivering the social promises and essential services to the northern peoples (Coates & Poelzer, 2014). Thus, the devolution of power is crucial to empowering northern people take greater control of their own affairs, to manage and use their local resources to provide essential services to suit their local needs.
As a child develops into an adult there are critical developmental steps that are necessary for a complete and successful transition. The physical transition is the most obvious change, but underneath the thick skin and amongst the complex systems, exists another layer of transitions. Ideas, rationales, ideologies and beliefs all dwell within this layer of each being. It could be said that a nation can also fit this transitional framework. A nation grows in both size (wealth, population, power), and in ideological maturity (emancipation of slaves, civil rights, women’s rights…etc). This constant evolution of ideas and size is the foundation of a successful government. Without change and
The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took control in Ethiopia in 1991 after 10 years and an a large portion of outfitted battle that in the long run toppled the military administration of President Mengistu. Around then the EPRDF was a coalition of four ethnically-based safety gatherings, led by the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). The EPRDF figured out how to manufacture a strong body electorate of backing in the provincial territories of north and focal Ethiopia by reviving behind it wide areas of cultivating groups that were threatened by the onerous arrangements and orderly practices of the military administration. It likewise associated with the neighboring Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF), which gave it military and logistical backing in return for a guarantee of Eritrean withdrawal from Ethiopia once Mengistu was toppled. Eritrea did surely withdraw accepted in 1991, and by law after a choice in 1993. This advancement was broadly disliked inside Ethiopia, both for reasons of national pride and in light of the fact that Eritrean autonomy denied Ethiopia of access to ocean ports, i.e. the nation was presently landlocked. In 1998-2000 a clash ejected between the two nations over outskirts and different monetary issues, prompting a persevering break inside both the TPLF and EPRDF
The term developmental state has been widely utilised to describe any state experiencing a period of economic development and improvement in living standards (Pham, 2012). One of the most significant arguments in this scope is the performance of developmental state model. A number of scholars have attempted to investigate this issue and arguments can be divided into three categories. Proponents of state intervention indicate that the state plays an indispensable role in directing economic development and utilising the resources of the country to achieve development goals. On the contrary, those who oppose state-led model argue
This essay aims to deal with a social institution that is often described as the realm outside the state, market and family- the civil society, and if it advances women empowerment. The idea of civil society as presented is this essay refers to units that are often associated with advancement of democracy, non-violence, participation, inclusiveness and equality. Loosely, civil society is also framed in this essay as a sector of voluntary organizations and non-government organizations (NGOs), people’s organizations and other alternative social development agencies which operates at the local level. I take on cases from Zimbabwe and India as manifestations that even though a local
complex broadly called integrative theory, and necessity of regulating the conflict situations in the society. In integrative approach, the state emerges to meet organizational needs with which the chiefdom power organization could not cope. It has consensual rather than forced character and is presented as the political system with more complex economic and social infrastructure. This approach to some extent equates with structural functionalism in which it assumes societies to be generally stable systems of structures which are integrated to form functioning wholes based on a widespread consensus of values (Cohen and Service 1978). The seminal ethnographic account on this perspective is African Political System, composed by Meyer Fortes and Evans-Pritchard. They categorize African political system into two distinct types, namely, primitive state with centralized authority and judicial institutions, and stateless society without such authority and institution. A primary difference between these types is the role of the kinship. While integration and decision making in stateless societies are based on bilateral family or band groups, in state society those affairs were managed by an administrative organization as the permanent basis of political structure.