Australian Chinese Relations : Australia 's Largest Trading Partner

When comparing the communist nation of China with the democratic nation of Australia many differences are apparent. The application of the legislative (law making and modifying function), executive (administrative function) and judiciary (law enforcing and dispute resolving function) is vastly different between the two nations as can see when we compare and contrast the underlying principles of each system of government. Firstly, both nations claim to uphold the concept of the rule of law, although due to corruptive forces surrounding the Chinese court system, this concept is often thwarted and equality before the law is not upheld. Within the constitutions of both nations the basic principles of separation of powers have been applied;

The bilateral relationship between Australia and Indonesia has a long but fluctuating history as ‘strange neighbours’, based on a traditional stance from Australian parties of Indonesia as the weaker state (Robert and Hadir 2015: 195). The discourse on Australia’s role in East Timor, particularly the intervention as the head of the UN sanctioned INTERFET team, has been praised or criticized depending on the narrative constructed of the events (Maley 2000: 151). Australia’s role in the East Timor crisis began through complicity in its causes, followed by a change in foreign policy which caused a deterioration of the Indonesia-Australia relationship at a time when Indonesia’s new democratic governance should have deepened relations (Sulistiyanto 2010: 125). While Australia and Indonesia have been steadily rebuilding their relationship, especially in regard to security, the

‘The Gathering Storm’ written by John Mearsheimer provides a critical analysis on the state of China’s rising power compared to the U.S in the current context. The United States has been the most powerful state for a long time in history and has led the way in terms of military forces since World War two, according to the Australian Government. But the next sentence in Australia’s White Paper details changes in the distribution of power. This arises the argument of the rise of China playing havoc on the balance of global power. The article also explores whether the rise of China will be peacefully, the drive for regional hegemony and also the concurrent rise of Australia and China.

Australia and China adopt very different economic systems in order to cater the best for their society. However, Australia's economic system is more successful than China's and, due to the writer's right-wing value system, will be measured in terms of environmental efficiency, labour and entrepreneurial resource efficiency and the standard of living.

Australia and China are two countries located in the southern and northern hemispheres respectively. They are both very important and major international exporters across the globe. Australian exports reached an all time high of A$29,970 million in February of 2014, this is a gain of A$120 million from the previous year. Australia’s natural resources are one of its main exports as Australia is so rich in its natural resources such as bauxite, coal, copper, tin, gold, iron ore, silver, uranium, tungsten, nickel, lead, zinc, diamonds, mineral sands, natural gas and petroleum.

In 1901, Australia’s Federation was concerned about the number of Chinese who made their way to Australia during the gold rushes, and ‘white’ Australia’s fear of being swamped by Asia. After the second World War, this perspective was a key element of Australia’s foreign policy. This fear of Asia was amplified once communism had grown to Asia and especially after 1949 when China had become a communist nation.

Many products we use today are made in China. Trade between Australia and China has heightened in the last couple of years. China has one of the world’s largest economies. It has an increasing role in shaping the world economy, accounting for a third of the increase in the world’s gross domestic product and imports for the period 2000 to 2003 (The Economist 2004). It is also home to a population of 1.3 billion inhabitants, consuming a variety of goods from food items to luxury commodities, toys, clothing, gifts, most car parts and many more things Australia benefits from. For non-agricultural goods, Australian import tariffs are generally low. The most notable exceptions are on motor vehicles and textiles, clothing and footwear imports.

In handling bilateral relationships, the Government often claims to have adopted an integrated approach taking into account the totality of Australian interests. But, a closer analyses of this claim reveals it would be almost impossible to meet the totality of Australia’s interests in any bilateral relationship and this is especially true of China which has such a different socio-political system. This close relationship continues to raise political questions for Australia to grapple with, such as her relations with Taiwan, Tibet and Chinese human rights issues. In some instances Australias interests will be confined mainly to trade and investment; in the more substantial bilateral relationships, the Government will implement comprehensive strategies

The U.S. and Australian alliance share an interest in maintaining the peace and stability in the Asian- Pacific

Australia is nation with strong relationship with America since the end of cold war. However Australia and Asia share a close and complementary economic relationship. International security is currently one of Australia’s problems the government is dealing with. Under the foreign policy Australia became a member of the US- led coalition in Islamic State/Daesh in Iraq and Syria . Since the early century Australia has always play it part in the international community when it needed. Looking at 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United State, this situation was seen as a major threat to international peace and security . Since Australia is allied with the United State and

As reiterated by past White Papers (1994,2000,2009,2013), “what matters most is that they [the neighbour states] are not a source of threat to Australia, and no major military power that could challenge our control of the air and sea approaches to Australia has access to bases in our neighbourhood from which to project force against us” (2009). Accordingly, effective governance and internal stability of the neighbour states are important as any deterioration of them could make the countries vulnerable to external influence which might become direct threats to Australia’s continental interests. Thus supporting domestic stability and facilitating effective governance of the neighbour countries are the essential objectives for Australia’s expeditionary operations once situations require them to respond and to act. Past experience in East Timor and PNG serve as the best

The development in the progress of China, India and Indonesia benefits Australia and contributes significantly to regional stability which extends opportunities for a successful and reciprocating business partnership instead of being aid dependent. Australia’s economical national interest is directly linked to the success, stability and peaceful interactions of its neighbours because these countries are also the first line of defence against many negative issues which could affect Australia (Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2016c). If these states remain to be wealthy and stable, they will respond better to efficiently to threats and complications in trade. In order to benefit from the trading relationships with the neighbouring countries, Australia needs to take advantage of the international economic opportunities and ensure we are focused on advancing in global economic, financial, investment and trade institutions. A globally integrated economy is crucial due to the growth which can be gained from an open trading system and foreign direct investment which secures our position in the economically advancing countries of the world and our own financial welfare (Wong 2017).

The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become more integrated and willing to cooperate within the global political and economic systems than ever in its history. However, there is growing apprehension in the Asia-Pacific region and the U.S. in regards to the consequences of rising in economic and military power in China. Descriptions about Chinese diplomacy in the policy and scholarly are less positive lately concerning China’s obedience to regional and international rules. There was little debate in the U.S. and elsewhere in regards to whether China was or was not part “the international community.” Scholars and experts in the early 1990s have contended

Theories are used in many fields of science, but in no field are they more prevalent than Political Science. These theories are often used and researched upon to try and attempt to discern how states interact with one another. Offensive Realism, a new branch of realist political theory, is brought forth in John Mearsheimer’s book, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. This theory focuses on the key aspects of realism, while adding a twist as to why war is an option. In his book, Mearsheimer explains the history of great powers, and predicts that China, the world’s current rising great power, will not gain hegemony in Asia peacefully. With the rise of China, he asserts the US will form coalitions with multiple states throughout Asia, to contain their growing power. This rise in power, and subsequent reactions by the US, are based on his theory Offensive Realism, which is used to predict China’s future actions. The rise of powers, and the reactions of other powers, is historically analyzed, beginning in the late 18th century, all the way to modern times. These analyzes each attempt to support his overall claim that China will rise through non-peaceful means, and shows significant support with historical examples. While the theory often meets an exception when the usual non-European power, Japan, is mentioned, Mearsheimer’s theory introduces a solid new aspect to the realm of Political Science, and presents enough evidence and information to be considered integral to

Snyder claims that realism failed to predict the Cold War. Given this, Mearsheimer states “China cannot rise peacefully.” Since realists describe the world as a self-help system, according to Posen, every country “must look to its own interests relative to those of others” and because “security is the preeminent issue in an anarchic world, the distribution of capabilities to attack and defend should matter.” Thus, because China’s strive for regional hegemony inevitably threatens the power dynamic of the global system, the U.S. will, according to Mearsheimer, take an offensive realist approach that will eventually lead to war. In addition, as seen in post-Cold War, economic stability greatly determines the distribution of power. Friedberg notes, that the projected “speed and magnitude of China’s growth in recent decades appears to be unprecedented” and as early as 2015, “China’s economy could overtake that of the United States.” Although the U.S. faces an unprecedented challenge to economic power, according to Ikenberry, China has signaled cooperation by “redoubling its participation in existing institutions, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum and the East Asia Summit or working with the other great powers in the region to build new ones.” Nevertheless, following the actions of the U.S. post WWII, China strategically makes “itself more predictable and approachable” to reduce “the incentives for other