BATTLE OF BLAIR MOUNTAIN
Terry M. Deener
West Virginia History HIST225
March 10, 2013
In the early 20th Century, West Virginia was a place where coal barons held immense power. Coal companies owned towns, mayors and governors. Miners were forced to live on coal camps and rent houses from them, as well as purchase all of their coal and other items required to survive from the companies. With this control, mining families where forced to live and work in brutal conditions. In 1921, after a generation of violent suppression, miners erupted in the largest class war in US history. For 5 days miners fought the coal barons, over 1 million rounds of ammunition were fired, this is known as the Battle of Blair Mountain.
The Battle of Blair
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This enraged the miners and they began to exit the mines and take arms.
Miners along the Little Coal River were among the first to militarize, and began to patrol and the guard the area. Sheriff Don Chafin sent his troopers from Logan County to Little Coal River area. The troopers were quickly overthrown, apprehended, disarmed, and sent back running from the miners. Frank Keeney and Fred Mooney, the leaders of the UMWA District 17, called a rally at the state capitol in Charleston. The two met with Governor Ephraim Morgan, and presented him with a petition spelling out the miners’ demands. Governor Morgan rejected the miners demands which caused the miners to become more restless. Miners began to talk about organizing a march on Mingo to free the confined miners, end martial law, and organize the county; unfortunately, the only things standing in their way were Blair Mountain, Logan County, and Sheriff Don Chafin.
The first altercations occurred on August 25, 1921. The majority of miners were still 15 miles away. President Warren Harding threatened to send in federal troops and Army Martin MB-1 bombers. After a long discussion in the town of Madison, agreements were made and miners were convinced to go home. Chafin although did not expect to sit quietly after assembling his private army, he wanted a battle to end union attempts at organizing Logan County
The Amalgamated finally called for a strike when Frick announced another wage cut and gave the union two days to accept it. In response to the strike, Frick shit down the plant and called in guards from the Pinkerton Detective Agency (well-known strikebreakers) to enable the company to hire nonunion workers. The mere presence of the hated Pinkertons was enough to incite the workers to violence. As the Pinkertons approached the Homestead plant by river, strikers prepared for them by pouring oil on the water and setting it on fire and meeting the guards at the docks with guns and dynamite. The Pinkertons surrendered after several hours of pitched battle that left three guards and ten strikers dead, but the workers' victory was temporary. 8,000 National Guard troops were called in to protect the strikebreakers and production in the plant resumed. Public opinion turned completely against the strikers when a radical attempted to assassinate Frick. Defeated, strikers slowly drifted back to their jobs until Amalgamated had no choice but to surrender. Amalgamated membership shrank from 24,000 to 7,000, a decline symbolic of the general erosion of union strength as factory laborers became increasingly unskilled, and so increasingly easy to replace.
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Major General Lord Cornwallis beat Major General Gates and The American Revolutionary Army in Camden. His intention was to invade North Carolina and Virginia. Major Furguson had an outpost to the west of the British Army. He had a small force of riflemen and a larger amount of Tory Milta.
Still attempting to unionize coal mining in southwestern West Virginia, tensions rose. Conflict finally erupted on August 25, 1921, when the coal miners
is fairly certain Larson knew this because, from the election of these men and his discussion of the beginnings of Wyoming Legislature he goes right into one of the largest controversies in Wyoming history, The Johnson County War. As the story is told, significant points about the invasion of Johnson County were pointed out giving the reader a great synopsis of what took place in 1892. Larson gives a great account of the events leading up to the invasion and many of the rumors, truths and even a couple of the theories that exist today. He concludes his review of the Johnson County war in a way this author has not seen before. As a historian who is researching this particular period in Wyoming history, this analysis is probably the best
As seen in the Pullman Strike, Ludlow Massacre, etc, the federal government took the side of the employers and sent in federal troops to break up strikes. This all changed in 1902 when Roosevelt took the side of the United Mine Workers in the Anthracite Coal Strike. Wilson knew that something had to be done since the coal supplies for winter were being threatened, and so he proposed both the operators and miners to accept an arbitration. The operators rejected but willingly gave in when Roosevelt threatened to seize the mines. This awarded the workers with a wage increase and lower working hours. Although the union didn’t achieve to earn the recognition they wanted, they were pleased with the government siding with them. He didn't stop there,
President George Washington attempted to end this fight in peace. He issued a national proclamation warning rebels that for their resistance to the “operation of the laws of the United States for raising revenue upon spirits distilled within the same” he did that in 1792. Although, by 1794 the protests became more of a riot and became dangerously violent. In early 400 whiskey rebels near Pittsburgh set John Neville’s house on fire. John Neville was the regional tax collection supervisor. Left with little recourse and at the urgings of Secretary Hamilton, Washington got together a military force of about 12,950 men and led them towards Western Pennsylvania. He told locals "not to abet, aid, or comfort the Insurgents aforesaid, as they will answer
Wars throughout history ended in one of two ways: One side wins while the other side loses, or both sides reach a stalemate; The Battle of Bolton Park resulted in a stalemate after two armies fought against each other. There was a question that still remained, even after the war ended, which side caused the stalemate? This paper will review each army’s profile, tactical plans, post-war events, and the fights within the battle itself and revealing what caused the stalemate at The Battle of Bolton Park.
Upon arriving to Malvern Hill, the Confederates had a lack of information, affecting their understanding of the contour of the land. This greatly affected their use of artillery movement and emplacement, causing the Confederate artillery to be ineffective. This was caused by the swamps, not allowing the caissons to maneuver through (Hill M. , 2012). Because of this obstacle, the Confederate had to push their reserve artillery pieces down Willis Church Road, causing them to be exposed to the open field, which they were then bombarded by Union artillery fire (Krick, 2014). The Union had the advantage over the
The Native Americans did not wanna pick a side, But the Confederates had already invaded them and they ended up signing a treaty for Guardianship. The first battle was the battle of Pea Ridge, Union
A portion of Watie's command saw action at Oak Hills (August 10, 1861) in a battle that assured the South's hold on Indian Territory and made Watie a Confederate military hero. Afterward, Watie helped drive the pro-Northern Indians out of Indian Territory, and following the Battle of Chustenahlah (December 26, 1861) he commanded the pursuit of hte fleeing Federals, led by Opothleyahola, and drove them into exile in Kansas. Although Watie's men were exempt from service outside Indian Territory, he led his troops into Arkansas in the spring of 1861 to stem a Federal invasion of the region. Joining with Maj. GEn. Earl Van Dorn's command, Watie took part in the bAttle of Elkhorn Tavern (March 5-6, 1861). On the first day of fighting,
This paper will examine the British and American Southern Loyalist defeat in the Battle of Kings Mountain and discuss the assumptions the British made including loyalist support, logistic support, and terrain advantage.
In his book, “Killing for Coal: America’s Deadliest Labor War”, Thomas G. Andrews construes the trajectory of a unique labor movement of the southern Colorado coal workers. The labor movement is unique as it integrates the social, ecological and industrial context of the strike for a captivating narration of the Ludlow massacre. Andrew’s account is valuable as he insists that credible conclusions must be grounded in complete and sophisticated provenance as opposed to oversimplified explanations. The intent of this response paper is to analyze the burdensome nature of obtaining coal, substandard pay and the treacherous working conditions. Secondly, the paper discusses the ways which helped employees to achieve autonomy and solidarity.
The workers who were known to scab were protected by people who were known as gun thugs. Gun thugs, private mine guards who also had full county deputy privileges, were able to work outside the walls of their employers. Outside of the mines they worked under Sheriff J.H. Blair. This was a man who made his allegiance to the business owners clear. The citizens of Harlan lost all faith they may have had about the impartiality of their law enforcement. In Harlan County during this time there was no such thing as neutral you were on one side or the other, therefore, if you wasn’t a gun thug, you were a part of the union. The miners began to arm themselves due to the police brutality and attack from fellow starving jobless miners. There was a lot of anger and blame that was passed around, therefore, small fights between gun thugs and the publicly employed law enforcement broke out. Also, scabbing miners were often beaten. The most violent unprovoked attack by mine workers occurred on May 5, 1931, and became known as the Battle of Evarts, in which three company men and one miner were killed. By June 17th, the last mine had returned to work (Appalachian Center).
Coal mining is not new to the Appalachian region. Miners have been working the rich coal fields of Appalachia for generations.14, 17 The first coal mines in these states were small, local owned operations.17 This all changed, however, in the late 19th century when “agents from land companies had swept through the region buying up mineral rights, sometimes for as little as fifty cents per acre, separating the use of the surface (and tax liability) from the natural resources that might be below.”17 In legal terms, and in very fine print, these “broad form deeds often signed over the rights to ‘dump, store, and leave upon such land any and