China 's Foreign Policy Record

The attached article discussed the risks and rewards of China going global. Critically analyse China’s international expansion. Also recommend what China can do to generate further economic growth for both its local economy and discuss how this can contribute to the global economic growth.

At the same time, the U.S. can attribute the globalization and the collective security to the countries of the Core and the Gap by America’s military force. (p.327) Also, the author regards China as a the diplomatic near-peer, unlike many realists view China as a major competitor, because China has senior leaders who were educated in the U.S.. (p.381)

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Hung’s stated goals are as follows. First, he aims to outline the historical origins of the capitalist boom in China as well as the conditions which predicated said boom. He also names four conceptions against history to explore the global effects of China’s capitalist boom and the limit of that boom. Firstly, he seeks to challenge the notion that China is challenging the United States neoliberal order. Secondly, he examines the belief that the increasing incomes of poor Chinese citizens helps to reverse worldwide income polarization. Thirdly, he analyzes the claim that China’s rise is challenging Western dominion over the world, and is radically altering the world order. Lastly, he plans to evaluate the assertion that China has been emerging as the most powerful driver of growth since the global financial crisis. He plans to devote a single chapter to the refutation of each of these views and explanations of why they overstate the importance of China, in addition to several introductory chapters describing China’s rise. He aims to prove with this work that China is no different than the other major capitalist powers, that its boom is dependent on the global neoliberal order, that its boom contributes to rampant inequality, and, in sum, that China is just a foundation of the capitalist status quo.

However, the implications of globalisation can form volatility in the international business cycle. Highly integrated economies are at greater risk of experiencing economic downturn in the business cycle. Therefore, China’s utilised process of economic liberalisation has reflected in ability to embrace globalisation and maximise the benefits of economic integration and rapid growth. As this evolutionary process continues, by 2025 China will be the world’s biggest economy (Ross Gittins: How Asia is catching up with the rich West). The Chinese ‘economic renaissance’ began in the 1970s after the government converted from socialist economy to a capitalist economy.

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Globalization is a process that refers to the increased integration between different countries and economies as well as the increased impact of international influences on all aspects of life and economic activity. Over the last 50 years, globalization has had a tremendous impact on the Chinese economy. The impacts brought forth by globalization can be both positive and negative and effect both economic performance, economic growth and the development of China’s economy. Globalization is the main factor responsible for China’s significant growth that has taken place over the last two decades. However, globalization itself is not entirely responsible. The Chinese economy has also implemented strategies which have been very effective in promoting economic growth and development. These strategies include the implantation of“Open door policy”, “Reformation” of China’s agricultural system and joining the World Trade Organisation.

Globalization is far reaching in this day and age. Globalization is the worldwide flow of goods, services, money, people, information, and culture. It leads to a greater interdependence and mutual awareness among the people of the world (Tischler, 2011, 2007, p. 430). One non-Western culture that has been impacted by globalization is China. An example of the impact of globalization on China is their economy. Since joining the World Trade Organization, China has transformed from a culture that relied on economic self-sufficiency and shunned the thought of globalization to an economy that is progressively more open to trade and foreign investment.

Under President Xi Jinping’s regime, foreign policy is both continuity and changes. The continuity is that China has still concerned on peaceful development by increasing connection with neighbors . But China’s foreign policy has some changes to be more proactive approach, strengthen relationship with ASEAN, achieve common development and build community of common destiny which China aims to achieve as a leadership role through Chinese initiatives such as AIIB and RCEP. Beyond investment, China want to be at least regional leadership. China encourage Chinese firms to go out and invite oversea Chinese in through its foreign policy. The policy toward ASEAN has become more aggressive and assertiveness which has China’s core national

Snyder claims that realism failed to predict the Cold War. Given this, Mearsheimer states “China cannot rise peacefully.” Since realists describe the world as a self-help system, according to Posen, every country “must look to its own interests relative to those of others” and because “security is the preeminent issue in an anarchic world, the distribution of capabilities to attack and defend should matter.” Thus, because China’s strive for regional hegemony inevitably threatens the power dynamic of the global system, the U.S. will, according to Mearsheimer, take an offensive realist approach that will eventually lead to war. In addition, as seen in post-Cold War, economic stability greatly determines the distribution of power. Friedberg notes, that the projected “speed and magnitude of China’s growth in recent decades appears to be unprecedented” and as early as 2015, “China’s economy could overtake that of the United States.” Although the U.S. faces an unprecedented challenge to economic power, according to Ikenberry, China has signaled cooperation by “redoubling its participation in existing institutions, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum and the East Asia Summit or working with the other great powers in the region to build new ones.” Nevertheless, following the actions of the U.S. post WWII, China strategically makes “itself more predictable and approachable” to reduce “the incentives for other

The events that have taken place over the past couple of centuries, and more so the past decade, have monumentally impacted the relationship between the United States and China for better and for worse. Today, China and the U.S. have evolved into two of the most elite superpowers in the world, and they classify as some of the most prominent leaders in economics, military, technology, and universal innovation. Currently, the United States is just weeks away from electing their next president, cyber-attacks are being investigated exponentially, and the South China Sea Debate continues to be disputed. The outcomes of all these events will undoubtedly affect the relationship between China and the United States for the next 10 years.

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Realism is one of the most dominant international relations theories in the academic world. But within Realism, Realists are split on a number of issues. A perfect example of which being the rise of China. Over the past 30 years China has increased not only in population and power, but has also achieved one of the strongest economies in the world. The rise of China is seen as problematic by many realists. Since the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union, the US has enjoyed a position of hegemony in the unipolar power structure of the world. Many fear that the rise of China could upset the current balance of power. One such individual is a prominent realist scholar, John Mearsheimer. He believes that war with China is inevitable and “calls for the US to do whatever it can to slow China’s rise.” Another political theorist Jonathan Kirshner wrote this paper to counter many of Mearsheimer’s claims, stating that Mearsheimer’s offensive realism “is wrong, and dangerous”. Kirshner suggests that instead of using offensive realism we should look instead to the theories roots in classical realism to analyse the rise of China.

Until now, Chinese president Xi Jinping is putting developing good neighborly relations high on Chinese foreign policy agendas. He also focuses on practical ideas to better economic, political and cultural links with these nations, through mechanisms. For instance, in an effort to strengthen economic and cultural links with Southeast Asia and beyond, Xi Jinping raised the idea of the “One Belt, One Road” that links China with neighbors together in a community of shared destiny and interest.

The purpose of this essay is to show how the economy of China has, and is changing, becoming the second largest economy in the world today. Although China is currently under the leadership of Xi Jinping, this essay will concentrate primarily on the actions undertaken by then President Mao Zedong, followed by then President Deng Xiaoping, (sans mention of Hua Guofeng). Given the relative infancy of Xi’s assumption of power, economic policies still remain largely rhetorical in form. Likewise, the majority of literature concerning economic policies under Xi are largely speculative, often citing strategies and ambitions as opposed to thereby, lacking a solid basis for rational induction In addition to China’s lack of transparency, In addition, it will be shown that the methodology behind the Chinese economy demonstrates the implementation of varying levels of the characteristics associated with the schools of Realism, Marxism and Liberalism. Thus, China’s approach to global trade in the 21st Century is pluralistic, testamentary to the failed economic