The events that have taken place over the past couple of centuries, and more so the past decade, have monumentally impacted the relationship between the United States and China for better and for worse. Today, China and the U.S. have evolved into two of the most elite superpowers in the world, and they classify as some of the most prominent leaders in economics, military, technology, and universal innovation. Currently, the United States is just weeks away from electing their next president, cyber-attacks are being investigated exponentially, and the South China Sea Debate continues to be disputed. The outcomes of all these events will undoubtedly affect the relationship between China and the United States for the next 10 years.
China and U.S. relations are complex, but it is important to attribute historical context when analyzing contemporary issues. Prior to China establishing their global role as a superpower, their nation endured nearly a century of humiliation which began in the 1800s and concluded in the mid-1900s. Although they’ve redeemed their nationalism, the intrusion of Western imperialism created tension and hostility which lasted for years after. Also, the United States’ response to local Chinese events, such as the Tiananmen Square Massacre, negatively impacted their relationship because it was an example of how American media and officials utilized knowledge about particular Chinese events and disseminated various rhetorical messages in response.
In time, China was hoped to find that social and political freedom is the only basis of that greatness. The United States has helped nurture this change by cooperating with China where possible, without allowing the differences that do exist, such as human rights, and nonproliferation commitments to interfere.
China's record of human rights violations is long and mind-boggling. Atrocities such as purging tens of millions of people during the Cultural Revolution, its infamous one-child-per-couple Population Policy, persistent oppression of Tibet and the bloody June 4 massacre at Tienanmen Square in 1989 have given the Chinese government a reputation of having little respect for human life. And yet, despite its tarnished record, China maintains its Most Favoured Nation trade status with the US and is one of Canada's top ten recipients of bilateral trade. As supposed supporters of human rights, Canadian and US governments have developed hypocritical attitudes toward China, compromising ethical values for material gain. Instead, North American
It is no longer appropriate to say, “China is quickly emerging as a global superpower.” The fact is China is just that. Realizing this the United States of America has attempted to once again turn its focus eastward. Continuing problems at home and in the Middle East however have made doing so difficult. Additionally more and more frequently attempts at influencing the ongoing narrative in the Asia- Pacific region have been rebuffed. Even allies have found strength in the emergence of a system that fails to conform to previously prescribed methods and ideals. This leads to a fundamental question America must answer quickly. Has the growing hypocrisy of idealistic political rhetoric versus actual foreign policy finally undermined American credibility with developing nations, or for the purposes of this paper more specifically China? The answer is yes.
As I understand the historical connection between China and United States, they were and in some sense still are both rivals, which began with Mao Zedong driving American-supported Chang out of China soon after the unconditional surrender of the defeat of aggressive Imperial Japan in 1945. Mao took over China and forced Chang to beat a hasty retreat to Taiwan Island. Then in l950, the world witnessed the fierce armed confrontation between Mao led China versus the United Nations' forces with the full backing of United States during the three year Korean War which eventually became a stalemate to this day. Then there was another world-shattering war between U.S. and Communist Soviet-China over the devastating Vietnam. So China had been at
The major actors involved in the Chinese challenge include the US government, the Chinese Government, US and Chinese businesses, and the American Citizens. When analyzing the hierarchy of goals for the Chinese government, it is important to note that the Chinese Communist Party is not democratically elected. Their mandate to govern has been based on China’s strong economic performance. Above all else, it is crucial for the Chinese government to maintain its economic success. 29% of China’s GDP is composed of exports of goods and services.
In the past decade, China’s foreign policy has alarmed their neighbors prompting the United States to take a proactive role in the Asia-Pacific. Nonetheless, China continues to test the waters with the United States. The 2010 Senkuku Boat Collision Incident revealed how effective Chinese economic sanctions were in compelling Japan to release the Minjinyu 5719 crew. Consequently, the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) leadership remains confident that their economic clout will insulate China from retaliation as they continue to advance their national interest.
Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the Cold War was over, making the U.S. the only superpower left in the world. This has made the international system much more tranquil, and relaxed. The only country potentially powerful besides the U.S., is China. Many Americans fear China, not only because they are communist, but also because of their huge population. Their population is 1.3 billion people, which accounts 1/5th of the world’s population. As one of the only potential superpowers in the world, it would be in the best interest of all Americans if the U.S. and China became allies, instead of enemies. Peace and development, economic prosperity and social progress, are goals that both of
in the US, upper, middle, and lower. They are determined by money, the rich are
The majority of Americans know more about China from the transformation imagines, which characterized scared Chinese, such as Drangon Lady, Fumanchu. Until now, America is still considering China as whether the peril or partner, with the influence of sinophobia. Recently, we can still see a lot of misinformed headlines about China in the media and politicians use China to scare voters, which I think are dangerous and misleading. However, the increasing number of cross-culture exchange, joint ventures and co-productions indicates the attitudes start to change cautiously and slowly. I think more America will realize that China is much more than defined by those headlines, the “world of factory”, the rapid economic
In this day and age, society operates in constant threat of terrorism, war, and nuclear fallout; the rapid growth of international militaristic power contributes to the ever-present fear in the back of all of our minds. None of us can go through the day without hearing a newscaster or radio personality talking about the growing threat that Iran or Afghanistan or North Korea poses to the global community, but there is one State that we hear of. This threat works in a much vaster environment, and shrouds itself in cloaks of secrecy and deception – China. Although the Chinese tend to evade the mass media frenzy that constantly reports on foreign threats, their underrated affairs are nothing less than lethal. Perhaps the most disturbing
David Shambaugh’s book, China Goes Global: The Partial Power, joins existing scholarship that comments on the implications of China’s rise as a global power. Though many scholars would argue that China has been on the rise for several decades and is due to overtake the United States in several more, Shambaugh argues that this may not be the case. To prove this argument, Shambaugh has researched six dimensions of China’s recent emergence in a comprehensive study. These dimensions include China’s perceptual, diplomatic, governmental, economic, cultural, and military power. Based on his summation of these factors, Shambaugh concludes that China is a global actor without much global power.
It is undeniable that the mutual animosity between the United States of America (USA) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) played a significant role in characterising international relations during the latter half of the 20th Century. On the other hand, it appears that the economic and political interactions between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the USA will characterise international relations in the 21st Century. As a result, this essay asserts that the claim of a Sino-American ‘Cold War’ is true to a limited extent; as there has been hostility between the PRC and the USA in the past. However, to a much larger extent, Sino-American relations in the early 21st Century are significantly better than Russo-American relations in the mid-20th Century, thus countering the claim of a Sino-American Cold War significantly. To develop this claim, this essay will analyse a number of factors. First, this essay explores the ideological, political and economic facets of Russo-American relations in the Cold War’s earlier stages (1945 - 70). This will be done as to establish the nature of relations between the superpowers. Conversely, this essay will then analyse the ideological, political and economic facets of Sino-American relations during the early 21st Century (2000 - 16) as to establish a framework for comparison. Ultimately, this essay aims to affirm the claim that Sino-American relations are significantly better than Russo-American relations whilst
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become more integrated and willing to cooperate within the global political and economic systems than ever in its history. However, there is growing apprehension in the Asia-Pacific region and the U.S. in regards to the consequences of rising in economic and military power in China. Descriptions about Chinese diplomacy in the policy and scholarly are less positive lately concerning China’s obedience to regional and international rules. There was little debate in the U.S. and elsewhere in regards to whether China was or was not part “the international community.” Scholars and experts in the early 1990s have contended
China’s rise to their current standing amongst world powers is impressive. China has reached heights in mere decades that other nations took centuries to get to. Now China is at a potential watershed moment in its history. The path it goes down will not only affect Chinese history and the billions of Chinese people, but it will change the path of relations and status throughout the world. While there are many paths than China can go down, and while it is alway impossible to predict the future, there are signs that point to one specific direction. This future for China is one where they continue on the successful path that they have enjoyed for the past few years. In this future, China soon overtakes the United States as the premier economy and power in the world, and everything important has to go through China first. This is no guarantee, but due to their immense producing and consuming capabilities, their upward trend, and their desire to win, China should remain on their path to success. It has not been an easy rise to this point, and the closer they get to the top the harder it gets. If China does reach the top however, the bulls will be correct and they will be the premier power in the world.
China’s economic rising power has deflected international criticism of its records of democratization and human rights. Human rights issues have indeed been given less importance during high level official visits. Today, the U.S. president seldom directly demands the release of Chinese political and religious dissidents. Under such circumstance, the United States and China are competing directly for impact upon shaping the international rules and norms. China has been highly supporting recent initiatives such as the G20, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the New Development Bank of the BRICS countries, and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, in which Western governments play a significantly smaller role than in longer-existing institutions, such as WTO, NATO, etc.