Does Face Recognition Play A Part Of How Quickly People Are Able Recall Names Or Occupations?

According to this hypothesis, face-specific mechanisms can be activated when it is necessary to make detailed discriminations between exemplars within a specific category (Gauthier et al., 1999a, 2000b). Furthermore, when a face is recognized as a face, the identity of the face is also identified where as when non-face objects are identified it is common only to identify them with a general category such as car or bird. Therefore, according to this model face recognition calls on domain-general methods for identifying specific exemplars within a category – this is also done when non-face objects are identified (Gauthier et al., 1999a,

Imagine lacking the ability to recognize the familiar face of a loved one or spouse. Or having to rely on voices, clothing, and certain attributes of that individual in order to have some kind of knowledge on who they actually are. This condition is defined as Prosopagnosia; known as face blindness or facial agnostic. According to Barton (2008), it was first described as a consequence of cerebral damage by Quaking and Bordello in 1867. This term comes from the Greek word “face” and “lack of knowledge.” Stated by the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke (2007), Prosopagnosia is anticipated to be the result of damages, abnormalities, or destruction in the right fusiform gyrus; part of the brain that controls the perception of faces and the functionality of memory in the neural system. This deficit can be present from birth, the result of a stroke, a traumatic brain injury, or neurodegenerative diseases. In order to help an individual with Prosopagnosia, it is essential to develop compensatory or redeeming strategies, as well as the use of clues or attributes to help them better identify individuals.

In adults, three variables were used to test the other-race effect on facial recognition: orientation, face type and ethnicity. Adults at least 18 years of age and older (N = 64) were asked to recognize upright and inverted adult and infant faces. Recognition was tested using a forced-choice procedure. 4 slides were shown during a trial to make sure participants understood the instructions. Next, participants viewed 48 slides with faces alternating between adult female and infant faces; first segment each face was upright, second segment faces were inverted. The results of the study found that there was no significance between race and facial recognition. Other research conducted has shown that race does in fact have a significant effect on facial recognition.

The studies conducted by Northwestern say that brain activity increases in the first 200 milliseconds when we first interact with a person from our same race or from a different race. The studies say that there is a time right after a person meets another of the same race or a different race that determines whether the face is remembered or even forgotten. The point where the brain begins to remember or forget the memory is almost immediately after a person first sees the face. People also remember people by their attributes for example, you might see that a face reminds you of someone you know. You may see that the persons expression appears kind or afraid, or it looks like the face of a famous athlete or a singer. Being able to identify people's attributes increases the likelihood that a face will be

There are several different types of psychological and neurological phenomena that individuals live with every day. One of most interesting conditions that many individuals might not be aware of is prosopagnosia or face blindness. Prosopagnosia is the inability to recognize and distinguish faces. For example, individuals with this condition could have difficulty recognizing their child’s, spouse’s, parent’s, or friend’s face. Many individuals with prosopagnosia will rely on other features to distinguish between other people, such as hair style or color, voices, or posture. As discussed in Chapter 3, prosopagnosia is thought to affect the Fusiform Face Area.

Processing faces is extremely important to humans as social beings. We are able to put and identity on thousands of faces (Gazzaniga, 2002) with ease, something we might take for granted. The value of this ability can be better understood when the world is viewed through the eyes of somebody with prosopagnosia, the inability to recognise faces. The following quotation from David Fine, a prosopagnosic describing the difficulty associated with the disorder.

Why would someone remember all of the multiplication facts they were ever taught, but not what they ate for dinner two days ago? Why would someone be more apt to recall the capitals of all fifty states, but not what they wore last Friday? All memories, while some may appear more important than others, are all stored in the brain, which is the central command center of the human nervous system, controlling every part of daily life. Some memories are more easily retrieved from the brain because emotionally charged events and recurring experiences are better remembered. How emotions allow memories to be more easily remembered, and the application of the five senses and experience on learning all help to explain why some memories are more clear

There was a study done by Young, Hay, and Ellis (1985) that uses people with no medical issues. They asked people to keep a diary record of problems they experienced in face recognition. They found people never reported putting a name to a face while knowing nothing else about that person. This supports the model as it suggests that we cannot think of a person's name unless we know other contextual information about them.

As Elizabeth Loftus describes in her book Memory: Surprising New Insights into How We Remember and Why We

Working memory's current understanding largely stems from the model in 1974 by Baddeley and Hitch, since then it has been recently advanced. The boss being the central executive, who controls and monitors all the information processing. The two other separate storage systems that support the central executive: phonological loop, who functions as the temporarily store for phonological information, and the visuospatial sketchpad where visual and spatial representations are temporarily stored and manipulated (Baddeley, 1996). The integrator of information from the subcomponents of working memory and long term memory is known as the episodic buffer, it is the recently proposed addition (Baddeley, 2000). Many people when they think of an individual

Students, independently, watched 2 video clips. The first video clip was a stimulus clip of a staged car theft of 15-s duration. The video was shot at an angle in which students where witnesses to the crime and they were approaching the car. It had a clear view of the offender. In the clip the witness alerted the offender that they were present by shouting which resulted in the offender fleeing. The second video clip was a 3 minute unrelated filler clip in which included numerous individuals that could have possibly hindered the participants in accurately identifying the offender. Once viewing both clips participants where then put in one of two retention intervals 3 minutes or 3 weeks to identify the offender. Retention intervals where used to further replicate real life situations and to see how time plays a role in memory accuracy. Upon the completion of time intervals either 3 minutes or 3 weeks participants were shown one of two photographs. One was of the actual offender and the other photograph was of a filler who matched the description of the offender. Both pictures only showed individuals head and shoulders. Participants were given general information informing them that the person in the photograph may or may not have been the car theft individual. A single photograph of either the offender or a filler was displayed with one of the three response options below was used in

The primary outcome in the current study was measuring the ability to correctly recall different character sets that included similar or dissimilar distractor tasks. To test this hypothesis, the number of correctly recalled character sets were analyzed by a 2 (character set: consonants vs. digits) X 2 (distractor task: word-based vs. number-based) between-subjects ANOVA. The main effect for character sets was not statistically significant, F(1, 106) = 1.16, p = .284, ηp² = .01. The main effect for distractor tasks also produced non-statistically significant results, F(1, 106) = 1.0, p = .758, ηp² = .001 . Lastly the interaction effect showed a non-statistically significant result F(1, 106) = 1.22, p = .271, ηp² = .011. Descriptive statistics for these data can be found in Table 1.

Moreover, Bruce and Young (1986) suggested that the name generation component can be accessed only via the appropriate person identity node. Thus, assuming that no brain-damaged patients can put names to face without knowing anything else about the person, however several patients showed the opposite pattern. For instance, Flude et al. (1989) reported that patient, EST, demonstrated greater retrieval of the occupations of familiar people when presented with their faces than when recalling their names. Such studies show that the processing of familiar faces differs from that of unfamiliar ones, because only relevant stored knowledge (e.g., name or occupation) with familiar faces is accessible.

In Teitelbaum and Geiselman study Cross- race recognition was examined over black and white faces where the applicants consisted of whites, blacks, Latinos, and Asians. It is said that people of the same race are more likely to recognize faces of their own race rather than people of a different race. However when adding moods such as pleasant and unpleasant it was easier for the participant to recognize the faces when they were in an unpleasant atmosphere. Likewise when adding moods whatever mood is portrayed in that person, that is most likely what the participant would remember. This study most likely describes the availability heuristic, in which it is the process where we easily access the most accessible memories. For example, if we are

In this essay descriptions as well as identifications of research evidence for both Bruce and Young’s 1986 cognitive model of face recognition and Burton, Bruce and Johnston’s 1990 cognitive model of face recognition; which are then applied to two separate case studies and an explanation of which better suits each shall be given. For the purposes of this essay, Bruce and Young’s 1986 model shall be theory 1, and Burton, Bruce and Johnston’s 1990 model, shall be theory 2.