Essay On Law And Order Politics

It is no secret that the media is able to influence the general public’s opinion on most anything. Whether the subject is fiction or non, movies, documentaries, and the news especially, are capable of swaying the public’s opinions and perceptions one way or the other. Not even the world of law enforcement is safe from the media’s purview (Barlow, M. H. and Barlow, D. E. and Chiricos T. G., 1995), as media portrayals often romanticize law enforcement as a well oiled machine that always gets the bad guy, and has a perfect relationship with the public. On top of this, the media has displayed a poor habit of portraying crime as predominantly violent and racial, rather than showing the whole picture(Gilliam, F. D. and Iyengar, S. and Simon, A. and Wright, O., 1996). In this paper, the motives driving these depictions, as well as the scope and effect of the media’s influence on public perception of law enforcement, will be explored and discussed.

As a legacy of the Civil Rights Movement, blatant racism is no longer viewed as acceptable social behavior. However, the absence of blatant individual racism cannot be equated to the absence of structural racial discrimination. With the Thirteenth Amendment preserving slavery as punishment in the prison system, criminality is being manipulated by the media to be associated with race. We see the full effects of the overrepresentation with War on Drugs legislation, which are policies that categorized drug use as a crime instead of health issue pushed forward by the Reagan administration. The master narrative of the criminality painted the legislation as colorblind, or nondiscriminatory, policies that will benefit all citizens and created

In today’s modern world, many people would be surprised to find out that there is still a racial caste system in America. After witnessing the election of a black president, people have started believing that America has entered a post-racial society. This is both a patently false and dangerous mindset. The segregation and stigma of race is still very much alive in our society. Instead of a formalized institution such as slavery or Jim Crow, America has found a new way to continue the marginalization of blacks by using the criminal justice system. In Michelle Alexander’s book “ The New Jim Crow”, she shows how America’s “ War on Drugs “ has become a tool of racial segregation and how the discretionary enforcement of drug laws has

After rejecting conservatives’ idea that criminal behaviors are caused by black culture, Alexander said that poverty and inequality are the “root causes” of crimes. She then includes a quote from Lyndon Johnson, “there is something mighty wrong when a candidate for the highest office bemoans violence in the streets but votes against the war on poverty, votes against the civil rights act and votes against major educational bills that come before him as a legislator” (45). Alexander uses this quote to criticize politicians who purport that they want to reinstall “law and order” but vote against bills that fight the antecedents of crimes. This may spark a series of questions in the reader, such as “if their motive is really to reinstall “law and order,” why aren’t trying to eliminate the origin of crimes? Why are they ignoring them instead? Alexander is insinuating that these politicians want minorities in prison, where they can control them, supporting her argument that the government always tries to control minorities. This also supports her argument that the “war on drug” and “law and order” movements represent the new form control system in the United States.

A large reason for the writing of this book is that there is currently not much research concerning or call for a criminal justice reform. According to Alexander, the main goal of the book is to “stimulate a much-needed conversation about the role of the criminal justice system in creating and perpetuating racial hierarchy in the United States” (2012:16). Another premise for this research is that it is no longer socially correct to use race to discriminate against people, so Alexander argues that society as a whole is now

Reiman and Leighton comprehensively begin the discussion of crime by outlining their main objectives, establishing the immediate problems surrounding crime control in America, and setting the groundwork for their premises. In recent years, the crime rate in the United States has declined. This decline is generally attributed to ‘tough on crime’ and mass incarceration policies, but the authors are quick to assert that other variables--economic, social-- are greater contributors to this decrease, with the ‘imprisonment binge’ only actually contributing a small amount to the decline. These strict crime enforcement policies might have a small impact on crime prevention, but criminologists are concerned with the potential effect such policies might have on criminal justice procedures--promoting profit rather than safety-- and endangering citizens’ rights (particularly those considered minorities).

Mass incarceration has recently become a major problem within the United States. Although crime rates have dropped since the 1990s, incarceration rates have soared. This trend is largely associated with increased enforcement of drug-related crimes. Unfortunately, though not surprisingly, this problem involves racial discrepancies when regarding these mass incarcerations. Incarcerations appear to be the most prominent throughout urban areas and the south, which happen to be the areas where African American males often reside or where racial politics are known to be apparent. In turn, this leads to disproportionate imprisonments. This problem requires immediate attention, but aspects of state and local politics have intensified incarcerations due a variety of factors, which include the state’s focus on the financial incentives that the federal war on drugs has created, the “tough on crime” stance that many politicians posses (largely republican), and the lack of rehabilitation services.

Questioning Assumptions about Race, Social Class and Crime Portrayal: An Analysis of Ten Years of Law and Order

In the book The New Jim Crow author Michelle Alexander argues that a racial caste system still exists in the United States. Furthermore, this caste system is set up by the social control that is created by the discriminatory practices of the War on Drugs. The War on Drugs and mass incarcerations create a racial “undercaste” of African-Americans, by marginalizing ex-offenders in America. Within her arguments she describes the racist practices of, and policies surrounding, the War on Drugs. These extend from the police force on the ground, who are apprehending the criminals or, in many cases, innocent people, all the way to the practices of prosecuting and sentencing of these people. There are many instances where the injustices extend all the way to the Supreme Court. However, that may not be surprising given the fact that the War on Drugs is a federal government institution. This racism, while inherent, is not always apparent. In this paper I will assess the broken practices that the War on Drugs implements, including mass incarceration, and how racism is the basis for these practices. However, while it does show that racism does exist in these practices, Alexander doesn’t necessarily show that racism is the reason behind the War on Drugs and mass incarceration, but rather a by-product.

White politicians were not solely responsible for contributing to the rise in increased punitive crime policies. During the 1960’s the Rockerfeller drug laws were viewed as more punitive compared to other laws, at the time, and were created by black activists in Harlem (Forman, 2012). According to Forman (2012), Harlem residents wanted increased police presence and stiffer sentences because they were outraged by the increase in crime within their neighborhoods, including drug crimes. As cited in Forman (2012), Barker (2009) stated, “The NAACP Citizen’s Mobilization Against Crime demanded “lengthening minimum prison terms for muggers, pushers, [and first] degree murderers”” (pg. 115).

The author, Michael Alexander an advocate, a legal scholar and a renowned civil rights lawyer has dedicated her career fighting racial injustice, especially in the American Criminal Justice system. The main argument of her book is therefore based on the fact that the racism infects every stage of the criminal prosecution system in a bid to influence the understanding of the public regarding the war on drugs and its effect on the entire nation. The book thus argues that the war on drugs and mass incarcerations are a representation of the previous racialized social control forms such as Jim Crow and slavery. The author thus claimed that there more blacks under the control of the criminal justice system currently than the number of African Americans who were enslaved in 1860. The

The antebellum period’s perception of Blacks in the United States has continued to have profound effects to this day. There is a perceived liberation of Blacks which is misinformed by the accession of Blacks into higher political positions (e.g. President Obama), which many objective scholars view as misplaced. Michelle Alexander states that law enforcement has become one of the many new conduits of suppression for African-Americans. Most crimes by Blacks are from purposeful setups. This is exemplified by a large number of African-American males in correctional facilities today, as well as the wanton brutality on people of color by law enforcement. Discrimination continues against Blacks. It only changes form.

One of the most significant policy developments that created a space for institutionalized racism following the slavery era was the War on Drugs, announced by President Ronald Reagan. This declaration was surprising because at the time, most Americans were hardly, if not at all, concerned about drug problems in their communities. Instead, President Reagan had created a tool in which race in the US could be controlled, specifically through a transition from traditional policing to military style policing. But this was not the only change in policing during this time. The Reagan administration, and following it, the Clinton administration, continued their racist-driven agendas by doing such things as making cash grants to those police authorities that made it a top priority to pursue drug offenders. Essentially bribing police officers into searching out anyone with drugs, it became legal for police officers to stop and search vehicles with minor traffic violations, as well as to confiscate any belongings of the individual charged with committing a drug crime, claiming that the object could have been a part of the felony act.

Also, it is a challenge to those working in the areas of civil rights and social activism to rise up and organize against the system that supports the New Jim Crow. Her analogy of the New Jim Crow and a caste system is also credible in terms of how it applies to the plight of convicted felons. As she examines the long-term consequences of the “War on Crime” and the “War on Drugs” on criminal convictions and the loss of civil liberties, Alexander paints a clear picture of the casual, almost apathetic, manner in which our society has bought into the belief that we require constant police protection in order to live safe. In addition, she’s not afraid to challenge people for their careless disregard for those who have been relegated to the fringes of civil society. The mantra may be, “Do The Crime…Do The Time,” but in today’s era of the New Jim Crow, the “time” appears to be endless for those with a criminal

“The United States imprisons a larger percentage of its black population than South Africa did at the height of apartheid. In Washington, D.C., our nation’s capitol, it is estimated that three out of four young black men (and nearly all those in the poorest neighborhoods) can expect to serve time in prison” (Alexander, 2012). The numbers tell the story better than words can: black people are more likely to go to prison than any other race in the United States, shown by the fact that more than 60% of the prison population is composed of people of color (The Sentencing Project, 2016). These statistics can be traced back to several different cause, including the Era of Jim Crow and the War on Drugs, both of which led to higher policing in minority areas.