Introduction:
The early Mizo society was a simple tribal society which had no known contact with her neighboring civilizations until the eighteen century. The great majority of Mizoram's population is several ethnic tribes who are either culturally or linguistically linked. The society was strictly patriarchal and patrilineal with a well-defined culture of its own. Children grow up with their parents and paternal grandparents. No serious distinction is made between boys and girls during early childhood. Female infanticide ended more than sixty years ago. Mizos put much emphasis on teaching the child to develop a sense of group cooperation and Christian values.
The Mizos are close-knit society with no class distinction and no class
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After the advent of Christianity one remarkable change in the Mizo society was the style of composing names from that of naming a child after great warriors or after some great deeds they accomplished to names composed on the line of Christianity or Christian values and it may not be wrong to say that the new generation of Mizo sub-clans started including the names of the clan to which they belong to at the end of their names.
Kinship relations:
Among the Mizos, there is a clear distinction between kinship by descent and kinship by marriage, although kinship is reckoned and recognized on both lines. As a patrilineal society, the rule of descent is strictly based on the male line only. In the traditional system, a woman was recognized, even after marriage, by her patri-clan name. Thus, all the children acquired membership in their father’s clan group which might be a localized group or might spread horizontally over many villages, and could never acquire membership in their mother’s clan group except by a kind of adoption in which case they would not attain true membership in the politico-jural field. Thus, recruitment to any clan among the Mizo has been strictly based on descent through the father’s line only. The pattern of inheritance, rules of succession and residence closely followed the system of descent.
Among all clans, the rules of succession required that the youngest son should be the proper heir, although other male children also had a share in
Extended families and clans served as the main foundation of social and economic organization in Mali society. The male heads of the families governed the village and organized the work of their own groups. The aspect of family was well intertwined with authority. Thus most villagers functioned in society firsts as members of a family or a clan. Although families were the main foundation of the social classes in Mali society, in Aztec it was much different. Aztec society was rigidly hierarchical, with public honors and rewards going to the military elite. The military elite were the main authority of social organization in the Aztec society. As a result families were the main aspect of social structure in Mali society while military elites were the main social aspect in Aztec society.
With the centrality of the family in Hmong culture, having sons or a son is very important as they are the ones who will take on the last name and lead the future generation of the family (Cha, 2010). Cha states, “The clannish nature of Hmong society favors a son. A family that does not have a son is viewed as a burden to the clan and community, because such a family will not contribute much to the community,” (p. 24). In the culture, the son(s) will take care of the parents as the daughter will get married and move to live with the husband’s family. Religion also plays a role since the traditional belief is that although the daughter can take care of the parents physically when they are alive, they cannot take care of them spiritually after they pass away. This is because the daughter becomes a part of the other family and cannot worship her parents’ spirits after death (Cha, 2010).
The society is hierarchical within the Blackfoot Nation; there were different societies to which people belonged, each of which had functions for the tribe. Young people were invited into societies after proving themselves by recognized passages and rituals. For instance, young men had to perform a vision quest, begun
The essay starts with a very simple definition of a family, accompanied by an explanation of the relationship between family structure and the strength of the link between different people forming the family in question. The introduction has been put in a simple language to provide a fluid understanding of what the reader should expect throughout the text. Literal tools like proverbs and similes have been applied. There is a clear language connection of cultural legacy and a family unit where the authors explain that legacy in the society does not determine how different ethnicities connect with the family unit. Gertsel and Sarkasian believe that deliberations made on family responsibilities tend to pay more attention to nuclear family as opposed to the general family unit. The language used here implies that the general meaning of extended family unit is ignored or in some cases misrepresented.
What are the different gender relations within the Navajo tribe? The Navajo people have different marriage traditions, customs, and labor within the male and female people of the tribe. The Navajo people lives by a matrilineal system. This is where women own livestock and land. Once married, a Navajo man would move to live with his bride in her home, along with her mother, and his wife’s clan. Daughters or if there were no daughters, other closely related females are traditionally the ones who received the inheritance of their property. The property could be that of a dwelling, or livestock. The children are "born to" and belong to the mother's clan, and are "born for" the father's clan. The clan system is exogamous. This means that the people must date and marry people who are outside of their own clans.
2. Matrilineal : It's a type of native american culture. The clan/villiage your mother is born, then that will be your clan/village. It means that your're following your mother's side of the family.
Kinship is the cornerstone for how people within a society relate to others and race lineages. Many societies trace their lineage through the father, which is called patrilineal, or through the mother which is called matrilineal. The Iroquois nation traced their kinship through the matrilineal decent lines. Kinship directly relates to how family groups think, act and live along side each other. The culture of the Iroquois can also be compared to how many American families relate to one another as well.
The kinship system is a defining feature of Aboriginal social organisation and family relationships1. This ‘kinship’ system establishes how all members of a community are related and what their position is2.It is a complex system that determines how people relate to each other, and what their roles, responsibilities and obligations in relation to one another are. It also plays an important role in ceremonies and relationships to the land. As such, the kinship system dictates who can marry who, ceremonial relationships, funeral roles and how kinfolk should behave towards one another1.
Choosing an in-law in !Kung San society is primarily arranged by the parents of the woman based on marital status, hunting ability, age, and willingness to accept the responsibilities of family life (Shostak 1981, p.116). The lack of violence and conflict between villages allows !Kung San parents to travel large distances to find an acceptable partner who is not of close relatedness to the girl being married (Shostak 1981, p.115). The almost universal taboo in modern day industrial societies prohibiting marriages between closely related kin is also followed in !Kung San society and the easiest way to avoid marrying your cousin is by marrying someone from a distant group (Shostak 1981, p.115; Allen et al. 2011). Close kinship systems tend to keep families close together so they can all benefit off the same resources. However, in harsh and unpredictable environments, like that faced by the !Kung, flexibility of movement created by non-consanguineous unions and bilateral kinship systems is essential in creating reciprocity systems that allow access to resources that are limiting and seasonal (Allen et al. 2011). Non-consanguineous
Approximately 2000 years ago Tibeto-Burman ancestors of existing Mosuo culture devised a family and kinship system that is not based on marriage. They have no husbands and wives. Instead of marrying and sharing family life with spouses, adult Musuo children remain in their extended, multigenerational household with their mother and their blood relatives. The elder female("Ah mi") is the head of the house. "Ah mi" makes all the household and economic decisions
Since the family’s origins are in Africa they came from a society with different norms and values. A society composed of many different tribes, each with their own language, customs and traditions. They placed a strong emphasis on the family and kinship ties. Their communities depended on cooperation, assistances and well maintained social order. When a woman was married, she was considered the wife of the family not just the husband (Franklin, 1967-28-31).
This joint family, like any social organization, must face problems such as acceptable division of work, relationships and specific family roles. These familial relationships are managed on the basis of a secular hierarchical principle. In fact, all Indians owe respect and obedience to the head of the family, who usually is the father or the oldest man of the family community. In The Gift of a Bride: A Tale of Anthropology, Matrimony and Murder by Nanda and Gregg, it is explained that, “females [are] placed under the perpetual guardianship of first their fathers and elder brothers, then their husbands.” (Nanda & Gregg 22) Thus, all the spending decisions, studies and profession, or marriage, are exclusively the responsibility of the father after the possible discussions with the other men of the family. Age and sex are the basic principles of this hierarchical system. The eldest sons enjoy greater unchallenged authority than their cadets. Of course men have more authority than women, but older married women have an important role within the family. In fact, the authority of a woman depends on the rank of her husband inside the group. Traditionally, the wife of the patriarch rules over domestic affairs and has considerable power over the other women in the community, especially her daughters- in-law.
The kinship system is based on the concept of "equivalence of same-sex siblings". Two siblings of the same sex are considered essentially the same and thus interchangeable. For example, if a man has
Kinship becomes important to the Mbuti when selecting a spouse. Kinship recognition is only important when choosing a wife or husband. No person is allowed to marry kin on their mother's or father's side of the family. Unlike, western societies, there are no formal ritual for marriage or divorce. People are considered married once the couple moves in together. They believe marrying outside their age
there is a great amount of variability in kinship rules and patterns around the world (O 'neil,2015).