Flq Manifesto Analysis

In further analysis, angry people are more likely to listen to militants and commit violent acts, building a tense environment for Quebec citizens to live in. According to CBC Digital Archives, in response to the FLQ and other revolutionary groups forming, “when innocent people became injured from terrorist attacks, the cry for police involvement became shrill.” (FLQ Backgrounder Web) It is evident in this statement that many separatists who resorted to acts of terrorism consequently stimulated anger and fear in Quebec. If the Quiet Revolution had not occurred and the feelings of separatism and rise of terrorist groups did not follow, fewer people would have been hurt by the violence, both directly and indirectly. All things considered, the encouragement of separatism also weakened English-French relations as Quebec left 30 large shared programs, though the other provinces did not have the right to do so. All things considered, “from the Quebec Act of 1774 to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Canada has protected the place of its French minority. If Quebec were to separate, that protection would be gone and the Francophone society would be assimilated by the wider world within a generation or two.” (Kheiriddin) In relation to this comment, many English Canadians viewed Quebec’s special status during the revolution as

Although Canada can be defined as a nation state, its vast landscape means many people are faced with different views and mindsets. Source one simply shows the differences within the nation of Canada. Eastern and Western Canada, because of their geographical differences, can be faced with contending loyalties when it comes to some nations aspects of life. Different lifestyles under the same set of government creates a physiological barrier between a nation. The source also shows the differences in Quebec nationalism compared to the rest of Canada. Some groups like the FLQ or the Front for Liberation of Quebec are known for their extremist views of Quebec nationalism. The small group called the FLQ was active in the 1960’s and 1970’s and they

The movement of Quebec sovereignty, if it were to be implemented, would have substantial consequences, not only on Quebec but also on Canada as a whole. For this reason, the movement should be challenged. It is ironic how much of Quebec advocates for independence, yet the effects would be economically detrimental. If Quebec succeeded in being granted independence, it “would need to negotiate with the rest of Canada about assuming its share of federal debt” (Ragan, Christopher). This additional debt, which would equate approximately to 154 billion dollars, would be equal to 92 percent of the province’s gross domestic product (Ragan, Christopher). Undoubtedly, this would shake Quebec’s fiscal stability. There is also the possibility of Quebec

Marx’s manifesto dangerously presented a worldview based on totalitarianism and humanization of armed conflict. The FLQ paraded Communist ideology as a revolutionary tactic to promote change, yet seemingly failed to realize the flaws associated with it, both politically and morally. Trudeau deemed it necessary to act as he did as the FLQ continuously promoted a hardline, and very literal understanding, ultimately culminating in the publication and distribution of an FLQ manifesto, which brazenly stated, “We are the workers of Québec and we will continue to the bitter end. We want to replace the slave society with a free society, functioning by itself and for itself; a society open to the world” (Belanger, 2007). Trudeau was adept at realizing how impactful a persuasive outside influence could be on minority populations who felt left behind by a changing Canada. Being French himself, he openly acknowledged the need to not alienate a large amount of Canada in his process in dealing with the issue, yet had to be strong-willed in the face of terror. Communism contradicts many of the societal factors which democracy takes for granted, and it became apparent as the FLQ gained influence that their perception become increasingly more nationalistic. Trudeau stressed the threat Marxism posed, as it is against normalcy to suddenly and brashly causer great change in society. A sudden

The slogan that the FLQ adopted was “L’indépendance ou la mort” (Independence or death), describing the extent to which members were willing to go for their cause. In reality though, most members, when arrested and questioned, chose life over death and accepted their punishment without a large struggle. Over time, the mentality that “only violence, terror, kidnapping and assassination would bring the changes it hoped for.” Bombings, robberies and other criminal acts became frequent offenses for the FLQ and they often targeted those in power in the province. During certain “escapades” where the FLQ members would arm themselves, they would go about doing so in ways that were unconventional, typically by robbing a local store where firearms were

The Quebec City mayor sent reinforcements from Ottawa to help control the rioting, which had been going on for two days. On the Easter Monday the crowds organized against the military presence in the city. Armed rioters started to fire at the troops and vise versa. There was an estimated four men killed by the fire and dozens injured. These riots represent one of the most violent disturbances in Canadian history. These riots erupted over conscription, which grew from how things were before in French Canadian nationalism. The military crackdown that lasted in Quebec until the end of the war resulted in an increase in state power in the growing of French Canadian nationalism. These riots over the conscription and the French Canadians sticking to their ways lead to a many difficult and unpleasant times in Quebec.

Though the beginning of the separatist movement was marred by fighting and violence, the vast majority of the conflict has been a political one. The reason for the revolution in Quebec stems from the restrictions placed upon the populace by the English. These restrictions were on both the language and culture of the Quebecois, and caused them to feel trapped in under the English rule, for lack of a better term. This revolution is on a much less certain foot than the others however, with many of the younger citizens not remember the restrictions of days

For some time, many Quebecois had faith in the FLQ, believing the group would speed the process of separation from Canada; however the FLQ’s loyalty to these beliefs is questionable. Ultimately, it was perceived that the FLQ’s only goal was to give Quebec its justice; they wanted to see them united in a free society. On the other hand, during the October Crisis, they had not been able to prove that. When the FLQ kidnapped British diplomat James Cross, it publicized 7 demands, of which only one concerned French-Canadians, pertaining to fairer working conditions which was later dropped (Tetley, 2007). The rest concerned the FLQ themselves: publication of the Manifesto (a public declaration of policy and aims), the name of an informer, $500,000 in gold, the release of 23 jailed terrorists, and to transport them to either Algeria or Cuba (Knowlton, 1990). A goal of Quebec’s at the time, the protection of the French language, was a cause that preoccupied much of the nation, but was not a particular concern for the FLQ. In fact, the 1970 Manifesto was written in and proclaimed in informal French and “Fringlish” (Knowlton, 1990). The FLQ’s dedication to their cause is doubtful. FLQ believed that they weren’t going to get caught, hence their slogan “Independence or death” (Brown, 2011). However, when justice prevailed, the members chose exile rather than martyrdom. This made it clear that the FLQ’s dedication

In October 1970, Canada faced a pressing terrorist attack in Montreal, Quebec by a group known as the Front de Liberation du Quebec, or the FLQ for short. The group committed multiple attacks starting in 1963 that slowly escalated until the October Crisis, where they kidnapped two government officials and proceeded to murder one of them. The Canadian government responded harshly and rapidly. The prime minister of Canada, Pierre Trudeau, issued the War Measures Act which along with various things allowed the police and military full reign to arrest people and hold them with no explanation. The Canadian population was highly supportive of the government’s action believing that this extreme state repression would bring a finish to the October

The relationship between the Canadian government and Quebec has been in constant turmoil for years. This paper will discuss and critique Quebec’s five demands made in 1986 by the Liberal government and their current implications. Reasonable demands are ones in which a limited amount of asymmetrical federalism grants provincial sovereignty. Currently all provinces have certain guaranteed rights, however Quebec’s rights provide more autonomy. Quebec, though home to the largest population of French speaking Canadians, have asked too much of the Government of Canada. This is evident Quebec’s increased control over immigration, Supreme Court Justices appointment, and their veto on future constitutional negotiations. Conversely, the demand of recognizing Quebec as a distinct society is however reasonable and has been accommodated into Canadian society, and the ability to restrict federal spending power keeps the federal power in check. In this essay, I will discuss each demand, and argue whether or not it is reasonable.

In 1995 the PQ Government led by Parizeau again flirted with the idea of "sovereignty association". The No side squeaked out a marginal victory. ""À la prochaine fois!" (Until next time!) promised René Lévesque after the 1980 Quebec referendum. Fifteen years later, on Oct. 30, 1995, Quebec and the rest of Canada faced that "next time" as Quebecers decided whether to separate from Canada. Though they voted to stay by the narrowest of margins, the referendum provoked questions about Canadian identity and Quebec's place in Confederation."

Canada faced dramatic changes through the decades of the 1960’s and 1970’s, but in particular the province of Quebec. In 1959, Quebec Premier Maurice Duplessis died, this marked the beginning of the Quiet Revolution. Duplessis was the Union Nationale leader and the party had controlled Quebec for decades until shortly after Duplessis’ death, a provincial election was held where the Liberals, led by Jean Lesage, had won the vote. The Liberals started moving away from the Catholic ideologies, traditions were being shifted and a transformed society was taking over the province of Quebec. Lesage was famously quoted in 1962 “There is no doubt in my mind; it’s now or never that we must become masters in our own home.” which became the Liberals

In 1933, the CCF had its first major convention in Regina, Saskatchewan, and the original policy platform first proposed by the CCF was replaced by a manifesto prepared by an LSR committee and originally drafted by a Toronto scholar, Frank Underhill. The Regina Manifesto, as it is known as today, put emphasis on "economic planning, nationalisation of financial institutions, public utilities and natural resources, security of tenure for farmers, a national labour code, socialised health services and greatly increased economic powers for the central government." (Morton, p.12, 1986) As a supplement to the feverish mood created by the convention, the Regina convention concluded by saying "no CCF Government will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism and put into operation the full programme of socialised planning which will lead to the establishment in Canada of the Co-operative Commonwealth." (Morton, p.12, 1986).

Justin Trudeau spoke to the political risks of this charter; he says that the PQ has miscalculated her expectations of what Quebecers will respond to. It is a significant factor in the process, some people may comply with this secular change and some will fight back against the

Because the first printing of the Communist Manifesto was limited and the circulation restricted, the Manifesto did not have much impact on society after it was written in 1848. This meant that there were not many people who had access to the document. It wasn’t until 1871, when the Paris Commune occurred, that the Communist Manifesto began to have a huge impact on the working class all over the world.[i]