National Low Income Housing Of African Americans

These practices help maintain the status quo, helping low-income families remain poor. Moreover, it requires these low-income families to depend on government assistance, such as low-income housing and welfare. The reliance on assistance programs groups the poorest people in the same housing projects and communities, overwhelming schools with low-income students. Not only do these real estate practices concentrate the poorest in an area together, they also drive the often whiter, more affluent families out. The majority of poor feel they have no opportunity to transcend class restrictions, and the property taxes that fund our schools do not alleviate their stress. Further, homogeneous collections of poor means that school populations are rarely as diverse as we believe.

For the past fifty years the shift from meeting the housing needs of the poor through government projects-based housing to a more individual approach, has been slowly implemented. Housing vouchers now enable underprivileged populations to move from high-poverty, segregated neighborhoods to more un-segregated, low-poverty neighborhoods. Low-poverty neighborhoods have less crime, better opportunities for employment, and more diverse schooling options. Some housing advocates however, contend that housing assistance is unnecessary and is an income subsidy that should be combined with other social safety nets (Clark, W. 2008).

Public Housing, also known as subsidized housing or “te projects”, was created in the U.S. to sustain families that had lost their jobs during the Great Depression, the goals were stated in Section 8 of the Housing Act of 1937 (Schwartz). They were created to produce communities that had adequate living along with safe communities and proper education. In many cases public housing has served the low-income class well. Numerous families, disabled people, and elderly depend on government subsidized housing. However, there is a pressing oversight in which over-income families are being allowed to live in public housing even when their income levels are much past the income level implemented by the Department of Housing and Urban Development, or HUD. What is usually the case is that a family will move into public housing while still under the income bracket. Within a period of time, they are usually over the income bracket and maybe even have acquired assets. There are no law in which a housing agency is required to terminate the tenant’s term. According to the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s reports, there are more than 25,000 over income families earning more than the maximum income for government-subsidized housing. There should be more regulations by the Department of Housing and Urban Development on housing agencies to relocate families that earn over the income bracket as it denies access to families in real need of subsidized housing, and it contradicts the

Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) and conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau (Census) have collaborated to create the American Housing Survey (AHS), the most comprehensive national housing survey in the United States, providing data used to monitor and assess housing supply and demand.

Section 8 housing was the first subsidized tenant-based housing program in the U.S. The program was established under the Housing and Community Development Act of 1974. It differed from the known public housing program by allowing recipients to obtain housing from the private market as opposed to government owned housing. Later after merging two aspects of the section 8, certificates and vouchers, section 8 housing program became known as the Housing Choice Voucher program (HCV).

In “The Complexities and Processes of Racial Housing discrimination” by Vincent J. Roscigno, Diana L. Karafin, and Griff tester, the main concept of racial disparity and inequality among neighborhoods is discussed, and how those inequalities became to be. They first highlight the wide range of potentially exclusionary practices, through qualitative and quantitative data comprised of over 750 verified housing discrimination cases (Roscigno, p. 162). Citing the U.S. Census, it is found that Blacks, compared to Hispanics and Asians, continue to experience high levels of residential segregation. This is done through discriminatory practices, whether they be by exclusionary or non-exclusionary methods. Even after the passing of the Fair Housing Act in 1988, discrimination against Blacks and Hispanics decreased somewhat, though African Americans still appeared to take part in racial steering, and Hispanics continued to have limitations in regards to opportunities and access to rental units (Roscigno, p. 163).

In order to eliminate the racist perception that Black poverty derives from laziness, the government should allocate public resources to restoring the predominantly African American communities by providing cheaper housing and resources for children. By restoring the communities, Blacks will have more opportunities and be seen more positively, both of which counteract the racist presumption that all African Americans are poor and lazy. Additionally, by making Black communities just as desirable as their white counterparts, the direct correspondence between race and affluence will no longer be as prevalent. As part of a new housing act in 1949, Chicago received funding for new housing projects – 98 percent of which were built in Black neighborhoods.

The Public Policy Institute states that Section 8 project-based rental assistance contracts involving HUD and for-profit owners contracting private multifamily housing, which is made available by HUD to low-income households who qualify for housing assistance. The subsidy is such that pays the difference "between 30 percent of the household's income and the contract rent; the subsidy is paid by HUD to the landlord." (AARP Public Policy Institute, 2002) In addition, HUD has Dispersal programs for renters of Section 8 housing due to the desire of the public to avoid to concentration of poverty-level residents in urban areas. This is because there is a general consensus that Section 8 subsidized housing tends to drive down the market prices of property in the same area. There are various challenges that are faced by the Section 8 subsidized housing program as it assists low-income households obtain appropriate housing through the provision of rental assistance.

One of the causes of homelessness in Baltimore City is lack of affordable housing, this includes subsidized housing from the state. Lack of affordable housing in Baltimore City is due to an increase luxury housing and Baltimore’s decrease desire for rental housing (Mayor’s Office of Human Services, 2013). Available housing is not proportional to the wages of people living in Baltimore City. Nearly half of renters in Baltimore spend 35% of their income or more on their rent. The waiting list for Baltimore City opened in 2014 and 74,000 households applied for 25,000 available slots for up to six years to own a voucher (“Homelessness in Baltimore,” 2017). For the extremely poor population there are only 42 available homes for over 100 people who identify with the population (Public Justice Center, 2015). Therefore, Baltimore needs to make affordable housing for their population or there should be an increase in jobs and wages. However, the private sector is not interested in developing houses for the low-income population because it is not profitable compared to selling a building to a company to make luxury housing (Richman, 2015).

Since the end of the Second World War, the housing market had blossom throughout the nation. Thousands of the American people and veterans were able to finance a home; however, there were many who were not given the same or equal opportunities. In A Matter of Place, the documentary argued that people are still facing housing discrimination in the U.S. Housing discrimination persist because a couple were denied housing due to their race and a man was solely harassed based on his sexual orientation.

In 2011 there was an average of about 13,000 homeless people in Ohio and the number has continued to rise since then. Nearly 300 people are homeless in Licking County during any given night.(LCC Housing, 2011) The most outstanding statistic from the Licking County Coalition for Housing in 2011 was that the average age of a homeless person is the age of only nine years old. That means, for every homeless man or women that is seen on the streets, there is two to three children who are also homeless.

New Hope Housing likely had strengths related to their employee development program, their effectiveness in housing people in need, and their niche for ensuring individuals who would typically be rejected housing. Some of their weaknesses likely related to their secured funding and current dependence on government funding. Some of their opportunities relate to finding solutions for permanent housing, as this is currently a struggle for the people they serve. Lastly, their threats likely also have to do with their government funding. As budgets change, money is moved around and can impact this organization for the better or for the worse.

“Everyone practices harm reduction, whether they see it or not. When you put on a seat belt…You are practicing harm reduction,” said Evelyn Milan pointedly as we started our interview. Evelyn works for Vocal-NY which is, at its base, an Advocacy organization for those who have a history of AIDS. Vocal-NY was once New York City AIDS Housing Network. Their formation was at a time when addressing root causes like homelessness and poverty was going out of style and incrimination was becoming the focus. Vocal-NY’s mission has remained true to the original intent. The original focus was on progressive housing that assured that all people living with AIDS could find affordable homes. Their advocacy has come out of this and focuses on assuring that affordable housing is a focus of the state and city administration.

Living in a Section 8 neighborhood my whole life, I’ve learned a lot about struggles that most kids at my school haven’t even come to see. In my neighborhood, everybody has something working against them and statistically speaking, most of the kids here will never go to college, will never have a stable career, and will end up in prison, if not dead. I know myself growing up without a father and my mom working day and night to support the family, I often didn't get the support I needed growing up and a lot of the kids here are in the same position. We’ve have had to take care of ourselves and fill the position our parents can’t.

I believe that the housing projects were created to help low income families. They had been made to help the lowest most needing families. They were never meant to keep the people living in poverty. These unites were supposed to be transitional homes that would allow the people to get a hold of their financial situation and move to better homes. Yet, as time went by politicians began to see these housing units as a way to keep certain races segregated from the rest of society.