As the state further seeks to expand policy making opportunities and enforcement the role of local leaders has grown exponentially as local cadre’s policy obligations and responsibility’s increase, creating an issue Chung Jae Ho calls “a centralizing paradox.” This paradox emerges when the state seeks to reap the benefits of policy decentralization while still holding onto central control of actual policy making decisions. This decentralization stems partly from necessity as China’s population size and developmental problems reach 21st century size. Any good Chinese historian will emphasize the importance of effect local policy implementation as a key indicator of success of a given ruling party. Local conditions and traditions or风土人情 (fēngtǔ rénqíng) must be taken into account when developing and implanting policy in order to maintain their maximum effective potential. Part of this analysis for diversification within provinces was a function of Mao era security planning to limited centralization or consolidation in a particular industry as insurance against the invasion of a particular province crippling the economy.
This created a multidivisional or M-form organization unlike the unitary or U-form organization like the USSR where a single plant or small area would produce the entire economies worth of a product: i.e. if disaster struck that region the effects would ripple throughout the entire economy as the supply for a particular good dried up in response to work or
One can easily admit that the Party had failed to properly economically plan the needs of each state. The Soviet Union economy was complex and massive, it became an impossible task for the state planners to manage, as they did not want to grant and create more managerial levels that would proceed to the local level resulting in failed timely attempts to the constant changes the economy was going through. Since the Soviet economy was based on state planning, it failed in encouraging innovation and motivating productivity. Managers would also alter numbers in order to produce the quotas that they were required to meet. The growth of the Soviet economy had been in a constant decline since the 1950’s and this progressed to the 1980’s. This was a clear sign that the Soviet economy was in need of a complete economic overhaul. Gorbachev succeeded power in March, 1985 and became General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist party of the Soviet Union. His main goal was to revive the Soviet economy, and he strongly believed that success was tied to loosening the governments control and creating a system that included less government intervention and more freedom to allow private initiatives. This new market economy would allow for private enterprise, which what Gorbachev believed would create more innovation. For the first time since 1920’s, individuals were able to own and create businesses.
In China power was determined by the Mandate of Heaven for centuries. The Mandate of Heaven was that if a leader was fulfilling his duty to his subjects then he should stay in power. People would believe the Mandate of Heaven had changed to another ruler when that ruler would not properly handle things like floods and famines. I ruler could keep power through floods and famines if he was still seen to be fulfilling his duties as a leader. Even after the Mandate of Heaven went out of practice in China, its basic concept remained. This concept was that a ruler would stay in power in China if people thought the leaders were fulfilling their duties. In other words, a leader’s tenure depended on his relationship with the people. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was engaged in the daily lives of the average Chinese peasants, while the Chinese Nationalist Party, Guomindang (GMD), and their leader, Chiang Kai-Shek focused more on maintaining power then improving China for everyday people. The day to day involvement of the CCP in the life of peasants in China, and the GMD ignoring the needs of the everyday Chinese was the major force that drove the GMD out of power and helped the CCP gain control of China.
As PBS (2007) reports, a new legal revolution is underway in China which promises a new form of interest articulation and perhaps aggregation: "Today's way forward is to build the idea of individual rights of the citizens…and that means changing the habits of the last few thousand years," The People's Court documentary states. What it essentially shows is a kind of democratic transformation in Communistic China. Indeed as nations become increasingly capitalistic (even in supposedly socialistic societies), the trend towards political democracy increases. India and China are both examples of such a trend. This paper will analyze the political systems of the two nations, including their political environments, structures, and functions; their political cultures, including their process and policy levels with an illustration of how political socialization occurs and the agents of that socialization; how interest articulation and aggregation occur; how public policy is crafted; why it seems the direction both nations are headed for is one that is more democratic; and what the future holds in store in terms of political culture, public policy and interest aggregation for both India and China.
For the last several decades China and Japan have both risen as superpowers and dominated the Pacific. Japan during the 1980s had the “economic miracle”, however it had a recession in the 1990s that set Japan back. As China becomes a rising superpower due to growing populations and cheap labor and, while Japan remains a “fragile superpower” because of the lack of resources and ageing population both nations will continue to grow, or will China become another fallen communist nation and will the tiger of the Pacific come to a roaring halt? Ever since the Four Humiliations in 1839 China was in desperate need to modernize and change many aspects of its government if it wanted to keep up with the ever-changing world.
One of the most significant changes in the Communist Party has been the distribution of power. In the days of Deng and Mao, for instance, the leader held the majority of power in the Chinese political system. In more recent years, however, the Communist Party has dictated more of the government's actions while the leader, Hu, has relinquished a fair amount of power and authority. This shift is exemplified by the author's idea, “In Mao’s and Deng’s days, the leaders towered
At first these plans along with an extremely ingenious propaganda campaign stirred great optimism and productivity within the Chinese people, but as years went by the initial flare and excitement went out and few of these promises, reforms and goals had been reached. In some cases the promises were lies. The real actions of the Communist party showed quite a different picture than the lie of democracy that it was feeding the people. The new government never was a democratic one. As a matter of fact it was a dictatorship controlled by the China’s Communist Party (CCP). Throughout the years the communist government consistently and cruelly suppressed any attempts for the country’s democratization.
Tina Sang Individuals and Societies Ms. Zadoo October 15th, 2015 Block D The Chinese Revolution of 1911 It was only until 1949, when Mao established the People’s Republic of China, that the perspectives of the Chinese political system grew more realistic. Of the four thousand imperial years that existed beforehand, the majority was greatly influenced by a concept called the “Mandate of Heaven”. All of China’s principles, laws, ideas, and central government were propelled by the notion that Heaven, or the natural law, issued a command that decided when a dynasty was to fall and take on a new leader. The Mandate of Heaven expressed the importance of a just ruler that had the duty to take good care of his or her people.
According to Lawrence (1998), the future of China will largely depend on its top leaders. Their priorities, reputations, and ability to get local officials and society at large to support their policies will shape the course of future events. At the vanguard of the group of up-and coming leaders is Hu Jintao, who joined the Communist Party’s most senior body, the seven-man politburo Standing Committee, at the age of 49 in 1992.
China has been in a state of revolution and reform since the Sino-Japanese war of 1895. As a result of Japan’s victory over Russia in 1905, China’s constitutional reform movement gathered momentum. This forced the Manchu government by public opinion to make gestures of preparation for a constitutional government, an act to which reformers in exile responded enthusiastically by establishing a Political Participation Society (Cheng-wen-she) (1, pg.84).
Glance through history and one can see China’s military power was never enough to manage the vast territorial land in its possession. Yet, unlike Europe, China seems to maintain its unity despite dynastic turmoils and military conflicts. The sense of “Chineseness” and Chinese culture went through changes, but remained structurally intact from the imperial period to even today. It is clear that imperial governments relied heavily upon a cultural form of governance, embedding and establishing political authorities within every aspect of life, to rule China. The civil service examination system was a critical part of Imperial China’s cultural governance. As a
While the Chinese system may incorporate some of the Western legal tradition, it does not solely influence the Chinese law. The western counterparts are tweaked into the Chinese legal system to create its own tradition – the Chinese legal system. China has a socialist market economy which co–exists with a larger part of the public sector in the economy. Moreover, the state, unlike other Western countries and legal traditions, is seen as both the policymaker and the regulator to an extent which may go beyond the law, putting into the question the sense of separation of powers. All this may distinguish the Chinese legal tradition from its Western counterparts. In this essay, the main distinctive features of the Chinese legal tradition shall be emphasized and discussed.
Confucius, a Chinese philosopher, can be argued to be the first and most significant of Chinese political thinkers. His philosophy traveled across the many kingdoms in China, centuries later becoming a part of the foundation of modern Chinese governance. Born after the fall of the Zhou Dynasty, Confucius belonged to the Warring States Era, a time of significant chaos. From the time of his being to modern day, people from China and many other countries in the world have studied the core values of his teachings, all hoping to make such values applicable to their own lives. Although the extent of Confucius’s teachings is astonishing at the least, one should not neglect to understand the interpretations of
Preserving and developing a national identity in China has been and continues to be an ongoing commitment, most notably since the seventeenth century. A nation is an imagined community consisting of a so-called myth of common descent, where those who contribute to society share a common experience. The concept of a “national identity” is crucial in understanding the history of China as it developed into a nation. Factors that have been established to define identity can consist of the following: the relation one has to a specific territory; the government system; religions; ideologies and beliefs; and importantly, in China, the relationship between government and class social structures. Moreover, the notion of “ethnic identity” surfaces
The strength of ESH as a framework compared to other more popular research frameworks in this instance stems from capturing the essence of state policy making in a more detailed manner in regards to a monolithic or more commonly dilithic conception of the Chinese state. While the unitary state or dà yī tǒng (大一统) has been part of the Chinese statecraft lexicon for centuries describing the Chinese state as a monolithic entity devoid of variation both horizontally and vertically is antiquated (although still popular in the popular consciousness and discourse on China). Changes in local-state relationships in the reform era and beyond to the point that the complex interplay between vertical levels of governance (from central to provincial
The government of a country has been understood to be of vital importance for purposes of stability, responsibility, and accountability of the nation. China’s government is no less different from this important context. With the complex structure of China’s government, scholars have argued that the government’s function, with its high favorability rate, is an interesting dynamic that no other country possesses. Although there are many functions that a government should be fulfilling, Teresa Wright, in her book, Party and State in Post-Mao China, examines how China is able to satisfy basic functions of government that she argues is of importance. Wright explains that specific government features have influenced its ability to fulfill their governmental functions. As Wright argues, the main focus of this paper shall be to examine China and its ability in addressing public grievances with emphasis on administrative law. Specifically, the paper shall attempt to answer whether or not the Chinese government is adequately attempting to address public grievances. The aim of this paper is not to argue whether or not administrative law is successful in comparison to other nations, e.g. the United States, but whether or not it is successful in the context of their government. Part I of this paper shall outline the history and creation of administrative law in China. With the creation of administrative law, there was a notion to differentiate Civil Procedure Law with Administrative