The recent revolutions in Egypt divided Egyptians’ into two sectors: The supporters of Muslim brotherhood, and the supporters of the Egyptian army “Anti-Muslim brotherhood group”. It created diversity in Egyptians’ social life (Fleishman & Hassan, 2013). To know why this problem started in Egypt we need to study both sectors, because a problem like that cannot exist over night. It is definitely an accumulation of long decades.
Hasan Al-Bana is the man who started the Muslim brotherhood group back in 1928. The Muslim brotherhood group is a religious and political organization (Muslim Brotherhood, 2013). Al-Banna defines the Islamic homeland as consisting of: 1.The country itself. 2. The other Islamic countries, for all of them are seen as …show more content…
. . ] Rebuilding the international prominence of the Islamic Umma by liberating its lands [ . . . ] until once again the long awaited unity and the lost Khilafah is returned. (p.77)
In 1950 Sayyid Qutb, a theoretician of the brotherhood came up with an ideology of Jihad against non-Islamic entities, and then he inspired many, which unfortunately led to some terrorism acts. In 1966 the government persecute the Muslim brotherhood group (Hauslohner et al.,2011). At that time Egypt’s government banned the organization twice, so most Egyptians hated the group because what it brought to the name of Islam (Muslim Brotherhood, 2013). In 1980 the Muslim brotherhood group were very smart to channel their energies into the social aspects in Egypt, by helping for example the education; they wanted people to believe in them and trust them again. They started to appear in political representations by nominating independent candidates (Hauslohner et al.,2011). By entering the politics world, the Muslim brotherhood had learned a lesson: politics in Egypt is not about wining votes as much as it is about assembling the largest crowd (Vick, Khalil, & Newton-small, 2013). The Muslim brotherhood group established the freedom and justice party. In 2011 the freedom and justice party joined the protests that led to president Mubarak’s ouster. In June 2012 the freedom and justice party presidential candidate Morsi won the elections and became Egypt’s first democratically elected president.
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Almost a year ago, Egypt broke into civil unrest when protesters flooded Tahrir Square, demanding the end of Hosnia Mubarak’s regime. Although Mubarak stepped down within two weeks, Egypt is worse off today than it was last January. The Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF), which played a vital role in the January revolution, has now become a violent and oppressive force. On the twenty-ninth of December 2011, the SCAF raided seventeen Egyptian, German, and US run NGOs in search of proof of illegal foreign funding.1 In a statement (A/HRC/18/NGO/77) submitted by the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS), the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR), and the Center for Egyptian Women’s
Terrorist organizations across the globe have adapted to how the world views them, and are learning how to deter their actions from looking like anything more than political movements. The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt is a prime example of this, as it has won the opinions of many diplomats and state leaders to believe that ideologies and actions supported by the Brotherhood come up short of what it means to represent terrorism. The struggle to determine whether or not organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood are in fact terrorists arises when they claim that their ideologies are equal and opportunistic for all, and that violence and horrid actions are not representative of the whole group, but the simple act of deterrence does not alter the truth; however hard the group tries to claim ignorance to violence and reverence to peace, when historical evidence and
In order to understand the answer to this, it is again, imperative that we understand some historical facts related to the revolution of 1979. Abdelnasser states that, during the revolution of 1979, "The different Islamic groups in Egypt, namely, the Muslim brotherhood, Islamic associations and organizations, and the Salafi movement, held conflicting opinions on Iran 's preference for Shiite Muslims, and its call for jihad. The groups, however, expressed unified support on Iran 's call for unity among Islamic countries, opposition of the US and former USSR, and the exclusion of Jews from Palestine" (25). What we see here is a support system that, although focused on primarily
The Brotherhood was fueled to solidify their political power when Mubarak’s regime fell in February of 2011. In addition, other Islamists began to enter into the political realm and establish their own distinct political organizations. Shortly after, the group establishes the Freedom and Justice Party in 2011 and, “proceeded to win approximately 47% of parliamentary seats in the 2011/12 elections” (al-Anani 2015, 530). As final elections drew closer, the Brotherhood’s platform began to change and become more ambiguous and hypocritical regarding their stance on topics. They made several revisions to the original platform; the most significant and contentious kept clerics from gaining a formal role in the political realm. The topic of
In early 2011 the world watched as Egypt’s youth revolted against their abusive president, Muhammed Hosni El Sayed Mubarak. This revolution sparked much political and social debate around the world, about what was next for the Egyptians. With the ousting of Mubarak, the Muslim Brotherhood saw it’s chance to run for political power and therefore began their campaign. Before looking at the Muslim Brotherhood’s role in the 2011 Revolution and the elections that would follow, their moderation as an Islamist organization must be examined. In order to do so, this paper will examine to what extent did the Muslim Brotherhood Moderate from the 1980’s-2000’s?
Egyptians in a solidarity move demonstrated for 18 consecutive days of protest until the former president Hosni Mubarak was forced to resign and the military took over the government suspending the constitution. At the moment, the military can either run the transitional government for a period of a year or less or run the country by committee. On taking over the power, the military promised to deliver a new constitution and organize a free and fair election.
This documentary follows the events that have occurred in Egypt’s government and civilian lives since the beginning of year 2011 and the documentary ends in the summer of 2013. Protests erupt and occur for almost three weeks. The President at the time, President Mubarak, stepped down, handed over power to military, suspended the constitution, and disbanded the parliament. “The army and the people, hand in hand” became a hopeful chant that the military had no interest in, showing the people this when they crushed another protest. Not too long after this, civilians were taken to the Egyptian Museum. There they were tortured, some taken too military courts and prisons. A few months later, a Christian protest was broken up by armored vehicles
Islamic Fundamentalism is based on Islamic ideology. It is also seen as a group of religious ideologies trying to return to the fundamentals of Islam. Muslim Brotherhood started in Egypt in the year of 1928. Muslim Brotherhood is an anti-colonial, transnational Sunni Islamist movement, it is attempting to integrate Islam into politics and government. Members of the brotherhood believe the Quran and Sunnah should be the basis of the government (Johnson, 2014). Muslim Brotherhood is not only found in Egypt, it spreads over 60 countries to try to gain more people to the group. They have many ways to connect with outsiders to influence them to join, some of these ways are prayer meetings, political involvement and social engagements. Members
Gamal Abdul Nasser was a young Egyptian army officer who rose to power in Egypt in the 1950s. Nasser became President of Egypt in 1954 and ruled Egypt till his death in 1970. Nasser dominated the Arab World, he became the most popular Arab leader before or since the 20th century. Nasser’s visions of Arab-Nationalism and the defiance of the West brought self-confidence and unity in the Arab World. Nasser’s death in 1970 brought the end of his dream of a Arab-Nationalsm. Till this day Nasserism remains a faint memory of what could have been.
By the end of Mubarak’s rule, the legalised political opposition in Egypt was already a mirror to the regime it was presumed to challenge: discreditable, central, aging and undemocratic.
At the same time, for the purpose of using the democratic process as a strategy to implement Shari’a law, the Muslim Brotherhood named its political arm as the Islamic Action Front. Both the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood and the Islamic Action Front share a similar base of support and membership. Separation between the two was necessary to allow the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood to maintain its control over social services and spreading dawa’a, while on the other hand provide the Islamic Action Front with the platform to establish a political agenda. Upon submitting the application to the Minister of the Interior, that included the Memorandums of Association, and a list of the founding member names that fulfill the conditions specified by article Five of the Political Parties Law, in December 1992, the Islamic Action Front was officially licensed as a political party. In total, the founding members of the Islamic Action Front consisted of three hundred forty-two “older, established males” and only eleven women. Demographics show a trend of disproportionality between the founding membership and the overall population of Jordan. At the time the Islamic Action Front movement was established, half the population of Jordan was under the age of sixteen. But, out of the three hundred fifty-three founders, “33 percent were professionals, 51 percent were civil servants, and 10 percent were businessmen. Of these same founders, 56 percent were over 41 years old.” Due to lack of
When this happens, people turn to new movements/organizations that are can emphasize what Bayat feels defines the post-Islamist turn: the “fusion of religiosity and rights” (11). Bayat’s analysis is focused on the late 1980s and 1990s in Iran and Egypt, when both the Islamic government of Iran and the secular government of Egypt were dealing with rising challenges from Islamic organizations, in both moderate and extreme forms. Bayat’s central research question asks why Iran of the late 1970s experienced an Islamic revolution, while Egypt of the 1980s, faced with similar conditions, only experienced an Islamic movement. For Iran, Bayat concludes that the Shah’s autocratic rule, which crushed political opposition, while providing favorable conditions for Western businesses and expatriate communities galvanized a crosssection of Iranian society, and provided for remarkable “unity of purpose” in overthrowing the regime. After the revolution completed, the revolutionary government allowed for public protest to continue in order to preserve the legitimacy of clerical rule (36). However, for Egypt,
The Muslim Brotherhood has been part politics in Egypt for more than 80 years. It was originally formed by Hassan al-Banna in 1928. The Muslim Brotherhood is a combination religious and political group based on the belief that Islam is not just a religion, but a way of life. It dictates a separation from secularism, returning to the rules of the Quran based on healthy families, communities, and states. The brotherhood focused on two key principles. They are (1), the introduction of the Islamic Sharia or way of life or principles, by controlling the affairs of state and society, and (2), working "to achieve unification of the Islamic countries and states, mainly among the Arab states, and liberating them from foreign imperialism." The group concentrated on religion, education and social services. As its membership grew, it moved into the political sphere, organizing protests against the Egyptian government. The Brotherhood is the oldest and largest opposition group in Egypt. It has had widespread support among Egypt's middle classes, and its members control many of the country's professional organizations. Up until 2011, under Egyptian law, it banned all parties based solely on religion. Sayyid Qutb, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950s and 1960s, developed the doctrine of jihad, and the radical group Hamas. It is believed to be an offshoot of the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood. Egypt's Islamists and the Muslim Brotherhood have a history of perseverance.
The Wasat Party has slowly become an important opposition party throughout the years that promotes a more liberal political environment in Egypt. The article explains that before the Wasat Party had the legal status of an official party, the foundation was being formed secretively by young leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood. The young leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood were considering democratization to be a better option because of the positive impacts in had on other countries around the world. Moreover, the young leaders didn’t desire the repression they had to go through because of the strict interpretation of the Shari‘a, the Islamic law. The Shari‘a condemned aspects Therefore, the young leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood had to keep their intentions of their aspiring new political party secret until it was exposed to the regime. The Wasat Party offered more liberal interpretation of the Shari’a as well as provides different ideas of what undermined the Islamic core values the differed from the Muslim Brotherhood.