UNIVERSITY OF MALAWI
CHANCELLOR COLLEGE
FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE STUDIES
FROM: GRANT ZIMBA
TO: DR TAMBULASI
REG NO: PA/04/12
COURSE CODE: PAS111
ASSIGN NO: ONE
TITLE: ECOLOGY OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION DUE DATE:
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The next item to be discussed is about sociological factors.Sociological factors like culture,race and
1.describe the social, economic and cultural factors that will impact on the lives of children and young people (unit 7)
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors in Political Science
Policy makers use numerous tools to exert their power through public health. One way this is done is through Bourdieu’s concept of economic capital. This so called capital can be further broken down into three categories: cultural, social, and symbolic. For people in rural eastern Uganda, this capital allows them to reach total health which Meinert (200220) described as having a ‘good life.’ In this case the government who implements the policies would be exerting their power through the institutionalized portion of cultural capital. This would include things like degrees, certification, and qualifications. Without access to say an education the people in this community would suffer because they are lacking an important part that makes up their
Much of the information from this paper was constructed around the African survey conducted by McKinsey & Company, the number one consulting firm in the world.
Social factors often look at the cultural aspects and include health consciousness, population growth rate, age
The skyscrapers of Johannesburg reach for the heavens, up to 50 stories tall. Crowding the streets is a traffic of South Africans of all races checking their ringing phones and rushing to their office jobs. A picture of starving black children and drought-stricken land better fits our story of South Africa, but that picture is much more harmful than it is true. Often we see South Africa through a lens of Apartheid that delves into the immense anti-black racism that existed during that time period, but it is also crucial to see the country from a post-Apartheid view to better understand today’s citizens and culture. It is equally important to see the conflict between other races and the multitude of reasons the conflagration that was Apartheid continued to burn long after it should have died.
This injustice of apartheid towards the Bantu population is evident through the unfair distribution of land. 80% of South Africa’s land was given to the white minority population of the time, despite the fact that they consisted of less than 10% of the population. The government also introduced ‘influx’ control laws to limit the number of permits released to black South Africans allowing them to leave their homelands and work in cities or on white farms. The white government’s forceful policies included little to no spending on significant finances, which constructed services in the Bantu Homelands. “Schools hospitals and public transport, reliable electricity and running water, public telephones and sewerage systems were rare.” (L. Thompson, op cit, p 201.) This inequality and unfairness towards the Bantu population was evident for many years before apartheid collapsed.
Government institutions can become extremely unpopular by making decisions that benefit them, but in turn ignore or even harm local communities. As in wildlife policy, the “state/society” approach can be applied to tourism because it calls for the inclusion of “other members of society in its treatment” of issues (Gibson 8). Without the consultation of communities, truly beneficial legislation can never be passed, as the central government will never be made aware of both the nuanced or egregious problems faced at a more local level. This lack of involvement harbors feelings of resentment among locals. According to Gibson, in parts of Zambia “ arrests made by wildlife officers were the only direct contact that locals had with government” (Gibson 28). Negative reinforcement of laws, especially when it is the only kind of enforcement, makes tensions inevitable. Locals are likely to be put off by any government involvement, like voting or running for office if possible, when their experience with it is entirely negative. Resistance to laws becomes prevalent, and neither the state nor the local communities benefit. A reaction like this is not exclusive to wildlife policy. Laws concerning tourism can, and often are, faced with the same sort of local resistance, since community involvement is minimal to nonexistent in many places. Local
Racial discrimination dominated South Africa in 1948, and this was further witnessed when the ruling party made the discriminatory apartheid policy into law, in the same year (Pfister, 2005). The Afrikaans word, which literally translates to racial discrimination ‘apartheid’, was legislated and it started with the Dutch and the British rulers. The initiators of apartheid applied it to all social nature of the South African people. For instance, the majority of the population who were Africans was barred from mingling with the whites. Further discrimination was witnessed in 1950, when the policy of registration of population came into place (Sonneborn, 2010). The policy provided that, South African citizen be categorized as Whites, Africans and mixed decent. The mixed groups were the Indians and Asians. The Ministry for Internal Affairs was charged with the mandate of categorizing citizens based on race and color. The apartheid policy of 1948 had huge impact in the South African society for many years until the country’s independence in 1994 (Allen, 2005).
South Africa’s political system is complicated and was mostly in heated debate on the issue of Apartheid. Apartheid was the legal racial segregation enforced by the National Party government of South Africa between 1948 and 1993 (Khumalo, 2014). The government of South Africa enforced laws that curtailed rights of black people, who were in the majority, in order to maintain minority rule by the white people (Khumalo, 2014). The
The Population Act (1950) divided residents of South Africa into groups of: whites, African, colored and Asian. The Suppression of Communism Act (1950) gave police the power to do whatever necessary to maintain order within a “White Country”. The Preservation of Separate Amenities Act (1953) proclaimed separate living and amenity areas (entrances, toilets, park benches) for every race differently. When National Party won elections in 1960, with Hendrik F. Verwoerd as a leader, it became clear that the last drop of humanity toward Africans was dying. Hendrik F. Verwoerd was a descendant of Dutch settlers who already showed themselves as very unfriendly and aggressive toward local people throughout their South African history. This was an era of government-guided racial discrimination and the world of “white supremacy”. No racial group, but “white” could ever achieve full political rights (Hayter&Reinecke, 2001).
The Ezra Siyadhuba Archaeological Research Project proposes to investigate the changing patterns of political and social organization in Southern Africa during the 19th century. The project focuses on how social and economic practices were transformed by the way the political system of the state worked on the people. The study will answer the questions asked about whether the Ndebele people who migrated continued with their political and social status that they had before in Kwazulu Natal. Data will be collected by archaeological survey and test excavations over a series of three field seasons between July 2015 and September 2015.The data collected and survey conducted will be used to test the social and economic changes from these two sites and compare whether they are parallel. The artifacts collected will be put in the museum so that people who wants to learn about these changes will have access to the artifacts. This project will answer all the questions posed by the archeologists and will also help in teaching students interested in African cultures.
This study presents an assessment of connections between service delivery – water services in particular – and participatory strategies adopted by different communities. This study was thought-out within a context of heightened militancy in local government as exemplified by the widespread and so called service delivery protests in 2005-2006. A large body of literature (e.g. Benit-Gbaffou 2008a, 2008b, Piper and Nadvi 2010, Tapscott 2010, 2005, Ballard et al 2006, Miraftab 2006, and Zeurn 2001) already exists on the state-civil society nexus in the post apartheid era. A majority of these studies point to the failure of the institutionalised
A senier ESSAY SUBMITTED in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the Bachelor of Arts degree in public administration and development Management
A SENIOR ESSAY SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF MANAGEMENT IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT FOR THE REQUIREMENT OF BACHELORS OF ART (BA) IN MANAGEMENT.