Jeremy Corbyn has risked provoking a damaging row at the heart of the Labour Party by pledging to restore Clause Four if he is elected leader next month. In an interview with The Independent on Sunday, the man who has set alight the leadership race says the party needs to reinstate a clear commitment to public ownership of industry in a move which would reverse one of the defining moments in Labour’s history. Mr Corbyn’s pledge will enrage many MPs and party members who see Tony Blair’s abolition of the old Clause Four two decades ago as a symbolic and essential move which recognised the importance of markets and made Labour electable. However, the MP for Islington North, who believes he has captured a changing public mood, said voters, …show more content…
He doesn’t smile much, but neither does he get really angry. One can imagine him standing at the Despatch Box opposite David Cameron at PMQs in five weeks’ time and remaining infuriatingly calm and measured, while the Prime Minister grows ever redder in the face. Despite the calm air around the MP for Islington North, he is about to cause a huge row in the party if he wins. In an interview with The Independent on Sunday, following the launch of his environment manifesto, Corbyn reveals that he wants to reinstate Clause Four, the hugely symbolic commitment to socialism scrapped under Tony Blair 20 years ago, in its original wording or a similar phrase that weds the Labour Party to public ownership of industry. “I think we should talk about what the objectives of the party are, whether that’s restoring the Clause Four as it was originally written or it’s a different one, but I think we shouldn’t shy away from public participation, public investment in industry and public control of the railways. “I’m interested in the idea that we have a more inclusive, clearer set of objectives. I would want us to have a set of objectives which does include public ownership of some necessary things such as …show more content…
He stops at a clearing, looks around and says to the crowd: “I hope Camley Street has got a bike lock somewhere.” It is not beyond the bounds of possibility that one of the avid supporters sees this as a stark critique of neoliberalism. The eco-hub run by the London Wildlife Trust is packed with volunteers waiting to hear Corbyn speak. There is a hushed, reverential silence. Corbyn surveys the room and then, despite his humourless reputation, actually cracks a joke. After pausing for effect, the MP says: “It is traditional we start every event with a moment’s silence, for thought.” During questions, a woman stands up and calls for a one-child policy to reduce the strain on the environment. It would be a gift to his opponents if he agreed with her, but he says: “I wouldn’t go down the route of the Chinese government, [which would be] brutal and
provided labour with a great opportunity to get back on the attack. If there had been a
This period of Labour rule is often marked down as a poor performance on behalf of the labour party, critically looked upon by many historians. There were many failings under the rule of this government however the circumstances they were placed in caused severe restraints in their options.
It asks the question to whether the Act will be successful and if not what will the government replace it with. It suggests that the reform is not as great of a solution to the issues as the government had originally thought.
‘Parliamentary sovereignty is a constitutional relic. It has been rendered obsolete, in particular, by the supremacy of EU law and the UK’s statutory recognition of human rights. We should no longer talk about this irrelevant doctrine.’
But has the Conservative party actually abandoned Thatcherism? Considering the points displayed in this essay, I have come to the conclusion that Cameron’s ‘progressive’ party may not so adverse to Thatcherism at all. The most important issues over specific reforms raised by the current Conservative Government seem to be highly influenced by the ideas of Thatcher. What is essential to point out is that times have evolved since the Thatcher timeframe and the Conservatives have had to evolve along with these times and adapt their attitudes to gain support from the electorate who view the ‘Iron Lady’s’ concepts as out of date. As to any argument, there are two sides to the story; let us remember that Cameron’s Government has only had the chance
Neo-liberalism has had the greatest impact on public policy in New Zealand over the past 20 years. An example of this ideology in policy making in New Zealand history would be The National party in the 1990’s. National significantly reduced the state’s role in the labour market, and introduced markets in public housing and education. A more recent example is the current National government and their benefits policy. In 2008 National focussed on getting beneficiaries into employment. National’s leader John Key announced that they were committing to a benefit policy that would act as a safety net, but encourage beneficiaries to go out and source other forms of income (Key, 2008). This is a neo-liberal idea in the sense of having minimal state intervention. The plan to put in place a tax system that encourages people to work hard and not rely on the welfare state, and the continuing of shrinking the size of government sees that the future intentions of the current National party is going to carry on down a neo-liberal road (Key, 2008).
Once again, this poster occurs against a particular economic and political context. The 1960s were a time of high employment when workers felt confident to take strike action. “The late 1960s was a time of growing industrial unrest. Union membership had reached a high point of around 60 per cent of all wage earners. Between 1966 and 1968 the number of workers involved in industrial disputes had nearly doubled.” (Archives, Archives, Stories & dispute, 2017) For most the decade these strikes were scattered and not seen by workers as in any way political. By the late 1960s, however, Australian governments, concerned about high strike levels, began to confront unions through political measures, culminating in the Penal Powers dispute of 1969. (Archives, Archives, Stories & dispute, 2017) The effect was not to cow workers, but in many cases to politicise them. The impact of this trend was deepened by two other factors. One was the campaign against the Vietnam War which reached deeply into the lives of countless working families due to conscription and the threat that young men would lose their lives. The other factor was the wave of cultural change and the challenging of old social values.This heady combination of factors touched the lives of millions of working people.(Saunders, 1982) It also generated a powerful left wing in the ALP, which in Victoria was formalized into the Socialist Left faction, and swelled the membership of the Communist Party and new small grouplets further to the left. These radicals remained a minority in the union movement, but they had the confidence to appeal to much wider layers of working people. The newsletter pitches itself to its audience on two levels, moral and economic; it expressly states that the war is hitting them - the workers - in the pocket through increased taxes, aiming to draw them to the demonstrations and thus perhaps radicalise them, as well as connecting their immediate personal issues around their finances to wider political issues and engendering in them a sense that the war is morally wrong.
Come on corbyn lad, shut up the little englander, scum/mail reading, racist, bigoted, inbred, brainwashed, royal loving twats in which our country has millions of, the hate i have seen on social media this week has been no surprise i knew the scum were out there, but it would be fantastic if there neanderthals were given a
When Margaret Thatcher became Prime Minister the first thing she wanted to do was limit union power. She felt that union power applied to nationalized industrial monopolies resulted in poor service at exorbitant cost to the taxpayers. She pointed to inefficient work practices, over employment and restrictive employment
On Thursday, the member of parliment for North-East Somerset claimed that Mr. Trump's victory represented a "triumph of optimism" and that Mr. Trump shared supposed British values in a BBC radio debate with Ed Milliband. While I appreciate there may be a need to work with him for the good of millions, it was the sheer enthuasisum for Trump and his policies which Mr. Rees-Mogg expressed that I found deeply unnerviving. Particularly so as Rees-Mogg is a backbencher.
At number three is our own Prime Minister, The Right Honorable David Cameron. On assuming power he went for a walkabout around one of the toughest estates in the North as being a multi-millionaire people said he didn’t have a clue. The walkabout became known as the ‘Hug a hoodie’ tour. The look on his face when meeting some of the more ‘dubious’ residents is still as funny today as it was back then then. He even took his tie off and opened his suit jacket to be more down to earth with the commoners – it didn’t work and he never went again.
On the other hand, Blair's Third Way highlighted "…global cooperation and consensusbuilding through international institutions." 8 In addition, Blair New Labour ideas were
In Tony Blair’s Socialist Manifesto (1994), he reinvents the idea of “social-ism” in order to “fit the ideology to the world” since the economic and social interests of people are constantly evolving. After World War II, the economy became a lot more global, the service industry grew and there has been an increase in human rights movements as the public have been less progressive. Aligned with the ideas of “socialism”, Blair supports a concept called the “Third Way” which is based on the idea of combining center-right economics and center-left social policies (“The Third Way”, n.d).The idea was developed by Anthony Giddens, the sociologist and director of the London School of Economics, he argued that the reformist governments could no longer rely only on the ideas of complete social and economic state control in the face of the forces and finances of globalization. Therefore, Giddens proposed an idea that would support center policies, but also remain committed to radical measures. Blair refers to the third way as his version of “socialism” which is in favor of economic growth and entrepreneurship as well greater state intervention to improve social justice and equality among civilians (“UK Politics: What is the Third Way,” n.d.). Using the ideas of the third way, Blair reformed the Labour Party and their ideas. Under his leadership, the Labour Party became the New Labour Party with a
Even though Labour owed their seats partly to the Liberals as they made a pact to prevent anti-Conservative votes being wasted they showed no gratitude as liberalism was about tariff reform, taxation and foreign policy but labour had always concentrated on equal
Michael Caine has stated how he feels about issues in the United Kingdom and the problems with the European Union. Some of these issues are very similar to what we have in America today, these issues include immigration and spending deficits. He has stated “In politics, you’re always going into areas you’ve never been before, so you’re going to get lost and then you’re going to find your way, and then it’ll be alright.” (Quote 1) If the last person in office has done a poor job then Caine will vote for the other guy just to see what happens. If he was put into office the country would decrease its budget substantially because of what happens to him in England. Our budget is based on the revenue that we got from taxing people, but so many people are layabouts that in turn we can generate enough money. This begins the spiral of death into more and more debt because at this point only the people with jobs are being taxed and most of that money is going to the people with unemployment. Caine would agree and in fact he has stated that “I’d rather be a poor master than a rich servant” (Quote 2) This is say that if I am rich then I am a servant to those who are not. Lastly, Caine is a strong supporter of the Brexit movement in England that is against one strong central government for Europe, that also orders around the smaller ones of each nation. Overall