Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party Analysis

In 1944, Primus King, a black man registered to vote in Georgia, attempted to cast a ballot in the Democratic primary. He was turned away by a police officer who escorted him off the premises of the Muscogee County Courthouse. This was a time in Georgia where the Democratic Party controlled all of the politics in Georgia and in the South. Primus King’s challenge to the white primary was planned by a group of black civil rights

The civil war was a major event in the history of Mississippi. The president during this time was Jefferson Davis during the years of 1861-1865. Mississippi was the second state to secede from the union. The view of the state was that it was necessity for the state to have slavery. So the white soldiers fought for the stand of keeping the slaves. Since they believed that the white citizens needed the slaves. Many of the battles were along the line of the Mississippi river. There were more than about 17,000 black men (Mississippi slaves) as well as freedmen that fought for the Union. There were 500 white men that fought for the Union as well. Many soldiers were upset when they realized that the war would be lost. In present time, it seemed that slavery was such a long time ago and long lost. What the people of Mississippi don’t realize the actual affect that it had. The men that were lost during the time period had wives and children that they left behind to start a new generation of what the fathers fought for.

The Civil Rights movement was the opposite of the Black Power movement, though they fought for similar equality. Civil Rights organizations, SNCC and Southern Christian Leadership Conference started to push for political activism (Lecture 11/8). Before the radicalization of SNCC, attracted the older leadership in the Civil Rights Movement (Lecture 11/8). The students were important to the movement because they used protests and freedom rides to express their political voice (Lecture 11/8). The movement was successful, but came with the threat of potential deaths, leading to nearly fatal assaults (DeVinney et al 2006). Though many in the Civil Rights Movement thought voting was important, many Black power activists differed in opinion. Frank Wilderson, essayist of “Why I Don't Vote,” depicts voting as useless for Black people because “an historical analysis of the Electoral College illustrates how Black people are political currency, not political actors. And that is the paradigm of our, Black people’s existence today. Blacks are political currency, not political actors” (Wilderson 6). Furthering the notion of Black people as property under the White hegemonic

Malcolm X’s “The Ballot of the Bullet” opened the eyes to many African Americans on the political parties and the treatment towards minority voters in the past. “This is the year when all of the white politicians are going to come into the Negro community. You never see them until election time. You can’t find them until election time. They’re going to come in with false promises, and as they make these false promises they're going to feed our frustrations and this will only serve to make matters worse.”X, Malcolm. "The Ballot or the Bullet." 03, April, 1964. What Malcolm X was saying in this line right here I believe is true most political parties only seem to care about the community when there

In the year 1898 in the town of Wilmington, North Carolina a riot occurred between the African American inhabitants and the white minority of the city. Several historians accuse the origin of the riot on racism and white supremacy. Although these two beliefs have been around for countless years, and African Americans received the right to vote almost thirty years’ prior, no demonstration nor aggressive threats, to the point in which was seen in 1898, had occurred in Wilmington until that year. The Wilmington Race Riot was the reaction of the “sociopolitical conditions” that were being applied by the Democratic Party to win the election through a sequence of diabolical campaign tactics just like creating partial accusations about the “negroes” of the town thus, creating unconstitutional practices, and threatening their existence.

“The Voting Rights Act of 1965 is a landmark piece of federal legislation in the United States that prohibits racial discrimination in voting.” In the 1880’s poll taxes and literacy requirements that afterward advocated African Americans to vote. Meanwhile Klan violence frightens from police and employers, blacks were still “protesting”about voting rights. As a result, there were over two dozen blacks serving in state congress across some

“In the South, anti-Black violence declined. Black candidates were elected to political offices in communities where blacks had once been barred from voting, and many of the leaders or organizations that came into

When the slaves were freed and given some rights, they were offered ’40 acres and a mule’ if they would vote to keep the Republicans in power. Then, they started being voted into office. They had just been freed, and they were not educated, but they were pulled up and shown off to the white southerners to tell them that things were going to be done differently. The Black Codes started restricting the freedmen from voting, but, when they were not able to do it flat out because of the 15th Amendment, the white males did it more subtly through literary tests and charging money. The freedmen would have to read and explain passages from the Constitution, or pay money to vote.

In “Populist Dreams and Negro Rights: East Texas as a Case Study,” Lawrence Goodwyn keys in on the triumphs of the People 's Party in Grimes County, Texas. I discovered Populism in Grimes County is the narrative of an interracial alliance that had its beginning in Reconstruction and persevered for more than an era. I resolved why the long post-Reconstruction period emerges as the social request that has been composed progressively along racial lines; the time period encroached as a brief gleaming light in parts of the South. I learned how some white Southerners have generally been a spread for the district 's skepticism and other issues. Goodwyn establishes a viewpoint about the possible results for a greater number of individuals voting in a free society. I understand that the variables of pressure and coercion caused an end to influence at the polling stations; there was corruption occurring with vote counts. The Grimes County story significantly describes this disappointment; however in the understanding, it gives into the hidden legislative issues of black disfranchisement and the accomplishment of a solid single-party political environment in the American South it is not one of a kind.

Political advocacy organizations have historically played a big part in securing political rights for minority groups in Western Liberal Democracies. Whether we look to the now infamous Boston Tea Party to the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, we observe the importance of political organizations in their quest to ensure equitable rights for the people whom they represent. In context of the early twentieth century, the most prominent group to represent African-American’s in the United States was that of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. The NAACP, as it is more commonly called, was founded on February 12, 1909 by a mixed group of individuals including but not limited to Ida B. Wells, W. E. B. DuBois and Archibald Grimké with the goal of creating a civil rights organization that would help assist in organizing for civil rights for blacks. One of its most prominent members, Charles Hamilton Houston, who became a part of the organization around the mid-twentieth century, changed the trajectory of the organization for years to come. Hence this essay

the speech “With Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer,” Malcolm affirms that because the black man is denied the right to vote in the south of the forty-six committees that had control the foreign and domestic direction of the country in 1964 twenty-three were in the hands of Southern racists. Another account concerning voting in the south, Malcolm

The college students tried to get enough voters to put African Americans into the governing house of congress. They educated voters and formed a party for those people in Mississippi. “The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party waited in the wings. The MFDP’s bold challenge at the Democratic National Convention was still seven weeks away. To unseat Mississippi’s all-white delegation, Freedom Democrats would need as many registration forms as possible for their parallel party”(Watson

Our student committee is dedicated to achieving their goals using non-violence. Even though, we face serious violence, from the police and others in Mississippi my passion for the cause drove me to join. What happened in the 1962 elections should never be repeated. Imagine, only 6.7% of eligible black voters registered, the lowest in the whole country!

It was a time of conflict, excitement, and confusion in the United States. And this was also “Black Power” of the Civil Rights Movement. Moody at that time was a member of NAACP. She was involved in her first sit-in, and her social science professor, John Salter, who was in charge of NAACP asked her to be the spokesman for a team that would sit-in at Woolworth’s lunch counter (Moody 1968, 286). Although she could go to jail for this, but she still agreed. After that, she joined CORE and continued to fight for the voting rights (Moody 1968, 311). Following passage of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964, the struggle for racial justice moved to the next battleground: voting rights in the Deep South. The campaign was already under way in places like Selma, Alabama, where local activists, facing intense white resistance, asked Martin Luther King, Jr., and his Southern Christian Leadership Conference for support (Ayers 2010, 780). Black voter registration in the South was one of the great accomplishments of the civil rights movement. Within months of its passage, more than 2 million black southern were registered to vote. Most supported the Democratic Party of Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, which had endorsed the cause of civil rights (Ayers 2010, 782).

Through the illustration of innocent victims, Nast’s cartoon reveals the Democratic party’s desire to further degrade the African American community. In the middle of the cartoon, a black man, wearing a Union military uniform, is being pinned to the floor by three Democrats [see fig. 1]. The Union military uniform connotes his dedication to the nation. Furthermore, Nast uses intricate details, such as the black man’s childlike features, to portray the man’s innocence. The cartoon illustrates angry-looking Democrats, prepared to stab and beat this soldier for attempting to exercise his right to vote. Their prevention of the soldier from voting creates an irony; the soldier “earned the right to vote through [his] participation in the war” but