Descriptive representation may not have a positive and significant impact on a politician’s agenda. This case study is on Republican U.S. Senator Marco Rubio. He was born on May 28, 1971 in Miami, Florida. His parents were born in Cuba, which makes Senator Rubio a Cuban American. He makes a great case study to reflect on the opposite idea of descriptive representation in the political system. It is essential to talk about his parents’ history with immigration in order to understand why he does not correctly represent Latinos, especially Cuban-Americans or other minority groups that he should be representing. His parents immigrated from Cuba to the United States in 1956 before the rise of Fidel Castro, which was in January 1959. When Senator Rubio was born, neither of his parents were U.S. citizens. …show more content…
citizenship, and got naturalized in 1975. The second time that his grandfather immigrated to the U.S. in 1962, he did it illegally, so he was detained, and under the risk of deportation. At the end, Senator Rubio’s grandfather was able to stay in the U.S. His grandfather was given legal status. According to McClain & Johnson Carew, “Cubans entering the United States after Castro’s rise to power in 1959 generally enjoyed handsome financial support from the US government and were encourage to seek US citizenship” (17). His grandfather ended up applying for a permanent resident status in 1966, which got approved, right after the Cuban Adjustment Act, which is a federal law that gives Cuban refugees permanent resident status under certain circumstances. There were other relatives of Senator Rubio, who immigrated to the U.S. as refugees as
Juan Gonzalez argues that the Latino population in the United States continues to grow at an unprecedented rate. Americans have feel high levels or insecurity when it comes to the Latino populations and Gonzalez argues that it is due to the lack of knowledge in addition to the growing anti-immigrant rhetoric that is being created by the Republican party. The transformation of the United States is incredibly massive and by 2050 1 out of 3 will be of Latin American descent and if these numbers continue to grow by 2100 half of the population will be Latino. Juan Gonzales expresses that the central theme of his book is the huge Latino presence in the United States and the role of the United States in Latin America, therefore understanding the Latino presence in the American nation is completely due to the harvest of empire that the United States has create, which is a result of over a century of domination.
The story of the Puerto Rican people is unique in the history of U.S. immigration, just as Puerto Rico occupies a distinctive—and sometimes confusing—position in the nation’s civic fabric. Puerto Rico has been a possession of the U.S. for more than a century, but it has never been a state. Its people have been U.S. citizens since 1917, but they have no vote in Congress. As citizens, the people of Puerto Rico can move throughout the 50 states just as any other Americans can—legally, this is considered internal migration, not immigration. However, in moving to the mainland, Puerto Ricans leave a homeland with its own distinct identity and culture, and the transition can
The Cuban Adjustment Act was enacted in 1966. The Act allowed illegal Cuban immigrants, who were already living in the United States for two years prior, to easily gain their citizenship. It also fast-tracked Cuban
In 2008, African-American presidential nominee Barack Obama garnered 67% of the Latino vote. In his bid for re-election, President Barack Obama acquired 71% of the Latino vote (Pew Research Center). With these statistics in mind, one can conclude that there has been a consistent growing pattern of continued co-operation between blacks and Latinos at the national level. This is in complete contrast however, to the mindset of some observers who believed that Latinos would not come out in the numbers they did because of racial bias and because of the fact that Obama received much less support amongst Latinos in the democratic primaries when faced against Hilary Clinton (Hero & Preuhs, p.3). Many people mistakenly thought this to be so because
When looking at political campaigns in recent years there has been increasing evidence in the parties’ campaigns for the support of this racial group as they are being targeted in the campaigns in a strategic manner, by campaigning in Spanish or supporting citizenship, or heavy focus on Hispanic candidates from the parties for examples the Republican focus was on candidates such as Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz.
In accordance with the New York Times article ‘’27 Million Potential Hispanic Votes. But What Will They Really Add Up To?’’ writed by Marcela Valdes, the hispanic vote is determined for a such of circumstances, which explained through different testimonies in different contexts; starting with a background about one of the most important political issues in America today.
Dr. Jason Richwine discusses the Latino’s absorption and integration into the American culture. He compares the Latino nation with other countries’ immigrants that has rose out of poverty, while the Hispanics have not been rising up out of the lower class after several generations have passed. Richwine mentions that American prejudice might be influencing the Hispanic immigrants not striving. For example, he states, that “popular explanations from the
A major point in unit 2, political ideologies would be the basis of many class discussions. The political ideology of undocumented immigrants that would incline them to side with Democrats would mirror certain political trends that were talked about in class, like the fact that African Americans tended to vote for Democrats rather than Republicans. The class would also frequently delve into how political ideologies provide many different ethnic and social groups political orientations towards political issues. The article connects to this by providing the political ideologies of both undocumented immigrants and working class voters in the midwest in addition to the reason why these groups take their respective
This research examines the disjuncture between Hispanic strength in population and Hispanic participation in politics. I examine the nature of this disjuncture: its severity, its causes, and its consequences. Hispanics currently comprise 11.2% of the U.S. population, but the Hispanic vote in the 1998 elections comprised only 4.7% of all ballots cast. The situation is even bleaker when considering Hispanic representation in Congress. Currently, less than four percent of U.S. House members are Latino. Add to that clear disjuncture the fact that two of the Hispanic Congressmen do not even possess the ability to vote and that there is not a single Hispanic Senator, and we see that
A diverse minority group of Latino and Spanish-speaking peoples has played an important part of what it means to be American and what it means to be a citizen in the United States today. Moving into the future, in order to analyze the trajectory that this group is in, we must first understand the group’s history in the United States and in territories that would become the United States. In addition, we must look at the origins of the most recent wave of Latino immigration in order to understand their current effect on American society and the intersection between both minority and majority groups. Finally, we get to the apex of this investigation: what lies in the future for Latino Americans in the United States? Although Latino
The book starts by presenting the complex interaction between Latinos and institutions. He argues that between 2001 and 2012, Latino migrant activists and their allies could not gain momentum following short-term victories because they are against an anti-migrant hegemony. Chapter 1 opens with The Border Protection, Antiterrorism, and Illegal Immigration Control Act (HR 4437) also known as the Sensenbrenner
Latino Crossings: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and the Politics of Race and Citizenship is a book based on ethnographic research that details the racism and hostility that Mexicans and Puerto Ricans have found in relation to other ethnic groups. The book examines the perceptions and constructions of differences both culturally and biologically between Mexicans and Puerto Ricans, as groups, and how it operates within a larger social framework of racialized inequalities of power and opportunity in the space of Chicago. The objective of the book is to not only highlight the boundaries that divide these two groups and how they have been constructed over time but to see if they could possibly find common ground in order for both communities to overcome these disparities that help separate them and in turn help them forge a common identity and find a political space beneficial for both.
Descriptive representation may not have a positive and significant impact on a politician’s agenda. This case study is on the Republican U.S. Senator Marco Rubio. He was born on May 28, 1971 in Miami, Florida. His parents were born in Cuba, which makes Senator Rubio a Cuban American. He makes a great case study to reflect on the opposite idea of descriptive representation in the political system. It is essential to talk about his parents’ history with immigration in order to understand why he does not represents Latinos, especially Cuban-Americans or other minority groups that he should be representing. His parents immigrated from Cuba to the United States in 1956 before the rise of Fidel Castro, which was
The Latinos in my class differed in the way that they were proud to say they were Puerto Rican, Mexican, and Dominican. Thus, I pursued a relationship with these classmates and I began to feel differently about Latinos. I realized that I was taking part in the prejudice thoughts my previous classmates had toward Latinos by concealing my identity. I also recognized that Latinos were struggling to pursue a better life and that we are looked down upon. As a result of discrimination, it is difficult for us to accomplish our goals in life. Presently, every opportunity I get, I talk about my culture. I discuss the hardships Latinos face and I describe my experience growing up Puerto Rican. Although I am Puerto Rican, I don't know as much about my culture as I should. Reading Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America by Juan Gonzalez has brought new insights to my knowledge of Puerto Ricans and Latinos in general. Gonzalez focuses on language and writes that speaking Spanish is treated as a handicap instead of as an asset.
I agree that John McCain gave the other POW’s encouragement by giving them away to distract them from the horrorifying situation they were in. You mentioned that McCain would tap the song “We will be home for Christmas” to give them some encouragement and hope that possible that they could be home soon. Words verbal and nonverbal are important because it is how we enter act with eachother and as metioned in the bible we are not meant to be alone we are to have a community of people to be happy with us or in this case give hope to.