In 1999, trade between China and Latin America totaled approximately $8 billion; by 2009, that number had had grown to $130 billion. Earlier this year, a study by the United Nations’ Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) concluded that by the year 2016, trade between China and Latin America will surpass that between the Eurozone and Latin America, making China Latin America’s second largest trading partner. Most studies of this partnership have focused on: a growing security dilemma, a monumental language barrier, sea disputes, a red scare (the fear that China will spread communism), and Africa–China relations (where China is often referred to as a new imperialist). This paper will explore the motivations and strategies that are shaping China’s engagements in Latin America. I will focus, first, on China’s resource extraction strategies in Latin America and, second, the implications of these strategies for the two regions. The paper will argue that China’s goal in Latin America is first and foremost, to secure sufficient resources to meet the needs of its population and to secure its continuing economic growth, and look at considerable strategies China has to achieve this. It is also clear that China is using its economic, political, and military power to influence other developing countries, especially on sensitive issues like Taiwanese independence. Lastly, both Latin America and China seek to benefit from their relationship, and it is likely
The rising of China will be America’s greatest long-term threat because it breaks the world power balance. The relative power logic shows that the increase in the China’s power will make the America’s power decrease. Chinese defense budget grows from $100 billion in 2011 to $215 billion in 2017 while American defense budget decline from $708 billion to $611 billion in the same period. Although the America’s military investment still remarkably higher than China’s, the gap is closer. Once China achieves the regional hegemon, it will attempt to expand its influence on other regions. Moreover, the benefits form institution liberalism system such as the role in UN will encourage China’s desire to replace American’s position. Therefore, when China reaching higher dominating position, it will do not want a peer. In other words, China will gain more power and reach regional hegemon to overcome America, and America will seek to prevent their great powers or, so the predictable outcome may be war.
China is both a threat and an opportunity for Australia. Trade and security concerns have both negatives and positives towards Australia’s relations with the Asian ‘superpower’. In recent years we have seen how the relations between Australia and China have changed, through their radically different traditions. This has led to the idea that China is a great resource for trade, it has also led to the idea that China is a large threat to Australia’s security. This essay will discuss the rapid growth of China in recent years compared to Australia’s growth, but also the increasing threat level China poses, and finally the bursts of opportunity China gives to Australia. Overall there is arguments for both sides, China is both a threat and an opportunity
The United States held 24.6% of world income in 1980 and 19.1% in 2011. (Sachs 2012) Many also believe that China is set to become the world’s largest economy in the near future. However, the ‘danger’ for US power is not that China will become the strongest economy on the global scale. As Drenzer argues, China ‘won’t prosper economically, as it won’t embrace capitalism’. In the long run, the danger to the US is that US power will decline ‘on all fronts’, not just economically. (Drenzer, Rachman & Kangan)
The rise in China from a poor, stagnant country to a major economic power within a time span of twenty-eight years is often described by analysts as one of the greatest success stories in these present times. With China receiving an increase in the amount of trade business from many countries around the world, they may soon be a major competitor to surpass the U.S. China became the second largest economy, last year, overtaking Japan which had held that position since 1968 (Gallup). China could become the world’s largest economy in decades.
The current Status Quo is complete US political and military domination in the South-China Sea, United States dominated and dictated trade deals, and unipolarity of hegemonic power (Beckley 2011) All of which, if China desires to grow its power, must challenge.
It is no longer appropriate to say, “China is quickly emerging as a global superpower.” The fact is China is just that. Realizing this the United States of America has attempted to once again turn its focus eastward. Continuing problems at home and in the Middle East however have made doing so difficult. Additionally more and more frequently attempts at influencing the ongoing narrative in the Asia- Pacific region have been rebuffed. Even allies have found strength in the emergence of a system that fails to conform to previously prescribed methods and ideals. This leads to a fundamental question America must answer quickly. Has the growing hypocrisy of idealistic political rhetoric versus actual foreign policy finally undermined American credibility with developing nations, or for the purposes of this paper more specifically China? The answer is yes.
Prior to analyzing the ISI (Import Substitution Industrialization) model, it’s benefits as well as its shortcomings, a small introduction of how it came to be and why must be provided. As a product of the 1930s economic crisis and wear and tear of the liberal model, ISI appears in Latin America as another economic option, proposed by ECLA (Economic Commission for Latin America, dependent of the UN) as a means of bringing Latin America out of stagnation and work towards industrialization to eliminate its dependency on agriculture which was seen as vulnerable.
In this article, “How to Deter China, The Case for Archipelagic Defense”, Andrew Krepinevich, includes various examples of China’s trait of bullying and how others, who are victim, may not be able to compete in the same way with other governments. He includes strategies that the United States may or may not be able to implement in order to aid in Asian peace. We are given information regarding our country’s planned action to address this issue. He gives examples of how China’s bullying and repression on other countries that are located within China’s reach occur. For example, Krepinevich writes, “China moved an oil rig into Vietnam's exclusive economic zone, clashing with Vietnamese fishing boats”. These actions would never lead to peace between Vietnam and China, however, it only proves who is the most powerful of the two. It is true that China is a world power that is very advanced and able to do the majority of what it wants, but this does not justify actions that cause problems among others. He brings up “Archipelagic Defense”, and this is just a country’s ability to stand firm and defend themselves with these issues. He explains how several countries like Vietnam and Japan in particular, are willing to put forth the efforts necessary for archipelagic defense. This defense is needed in responding to this
By granting China most-favored-nation trade status the United States has started that long and difficult process of bringing China out of its international dark ages. In order to live up to the terms of most-favored-nation trade status China has had to become more open to social and economic changes. These reforms included more economic freedom, easier access for foreign direct investments. The economic developments these reforms have been to a main cause for China’s newly increased gross nation product. Over a ten-year period from 1978 to 1988 most-favored-nation trade status was directly responsible for an annual ten percent growth in China’s gross national product.
However, there is apprehension with the PRC as some Latin American states recognize and have diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (ROC). Currently, there are 12 states that have diplomatic relations in Latin America, with all but Paraguay, being located in Central America and the Caribbean regions. Some states have relations with both the PRC and the ROC, such as Nicaragua and the Republic of Panama. They both recognize the ROC as a separate nation, yet they have political, trade, and some pretty substantial contractual relations with the PRC. The PRC is one of the main members of the Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS), which is an association of five major emerging national economies, that have substantial influence in some regional affairs. Additionally, the PRC is one of the 70 permanent observers in the Organization of American States (OAS), and a donor to the Interamerican Investment Bank (IIB). The United States is in no real position to challenge the PRC and their diplomatic relations in Latin America. However, we should actually try and be involved to the greatest extent possible top ensure that the United States’ equities are not challenged and protected whenever
In history, We often point to the 1970s as the starting point for US-China trade, but I found that actually it can go back to the 18th century after the American Revolution. At that time, Americans got tea, silk, and porcelain was primarily through the British East India Company, but there was also a lot of smuggling going on at the same time. Anyway, it wasn't that the Americans went to China to get these goods (Christina). Later, Americans got well involved in the China trade after they beat the British in the revolution. After the war finished, the British East India Company's monopoly did not exist any more, so the Americans could go to China and they did by driving (Christina). Besides, another element that gave them the financial
China’s ‘peaceful rise’ policy defined China’s foreign relations strategy since Deng Xiaoping promote the ‘opening up’ philosophy since 1979. China acknowledges the significance of international cooperation and global governance to its economic development, as Barry Buzan observed, ‘China put its own economic development as top priority, and deduced from that the need for stability in its international relations both regionally and globally’. What is more, in 2005, Zheng Bijian wrote that ‘China’s peaceful rise will further open its economy so that its population can serve as a growing market for the rest of the world, thus providing increased opportunities for – rather than posing a threat to – the international
The turn of the 21st century brought about significant changes in global interactions, policies, and strategies. When examined more closely, it is clear that very pressing and shaping issues face many Latin American countries. In particular, Colombia and Cuba have prominent policies and strategies that greatly effect relations on a global, not simply a regional scale. As each of these nations address the many challenges to executing their national strategies, the manner in which their plans are executed must account for the limitations faced by not being a global “superpower.” In Colombia, the insurgency within its borders threatens to destabilize the relationship with two of its bordering nations. In order to accomplish this, Colombia must continue the path towards eliminating the guerilla armies. Cuba faces changes in leadership that have forced the nation to reevaluate its stance on a global presence which includes relations with the United States. These strategies also reflect a growing desire to maintain its strong allies, like Russia. In order to continue to reshape the nation, Cuba must take its new direction and begin implementation sooner.
Soybeans are the primary American export to China. Why is China be the number one
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become more integrated and willing to cooperate within the global political and economic systems than ever in its history. However, there is growing apprehension in the Asia-Pacific region and the U.S. in regards to the consequences of rising in economic and military power in China. Descriptions about Chinese diplomacy in the policy and scholarly are less positive lately concerning China’s obedience to regional and international rules. There was little debate in the U.S. and elsewhere in regards to whether China was or was not part “the international community.” Scholars and experts in the early 1990s have contended