Why Did Chartism Fail

MP’s were unpaid for most of the nineteenth century and had to own land, although the property qualification ended in the 1850’s but only wealthy upper class men could be MP’s. The working class could not afford to give up their job to be a politician and that meant that their views and needs were poorly represented compared to the ones of the wealthy. This is clearly not democratic and wasn’t changed until 1911 when MP’s began to be paid allowing the right to become and MP to everyone

Luddism, for example, was one of the ideologies that opposed the industrial changes that liberalism brought. The jobs of the skilled textile workers were lost and replaced by machines operated by unskilled laborers. The Luddites protested and even broke into factories, destroying many machinery. Chartism was another example of the response to the unrecognized individual rights. Chartism was a working- class movement with the main focus on political and social reform in society (Fielding, 2009, 132). The Chartists wanted a political and social reform in society because they could be granted the rights to participate in these aspects of society. Utopian Socialists were humanitarians who advocated an end to the appalling conditions of the average worker in the industrial capitalist countries (Fielding, 2009, 134). They believed that education and the improved working conditions could peacefully remove the worst aspects of capitalism and lead to an ideal socialist society where everyone would live happily. “It is therefore the interest of all, that everyone, from birth, should be well educated, physically and mentally, that society may be improved in its character; that everyone should be beneficially employed, physically, and mentally, that the greatest amount of wealth may be created and knowledge attained….” (Fielding, 2009, 135). Another essential resistance to liberalism was showcased by the ideology of classical conservatism. The beliefs of

‘Reform movements in the United States sought to expand democratic ideals. Assess the validity of this statement with specific reference to the years 1825-1850.’

In the 19th century, anarchism was a growing movement that scared many people including Julian. Dr. Leete describes how it was in fact the wealthiest who funded them, so people would be afraid of reform. However, this was not enough because social change was not instigated by labor or political parties but by the vow by mankind to persevere and conquer the old order and usher in the new. Mr. Bellamy contrasts the anarchist and socialist movements in order posit the latter in a more favorable light.

Democratic ideals have proven elusive throughout history, and are oftentimes only gained through bloodshed, as shown by the Revolutionary and Civil Wars. While some opposed social reform for fear of tearing down entire social structures (G) antebellum reformers were still able to push for, if not fully gain, many democratic ideals between John Quincy Adams’ election and 1850, especially with suffrage (I), abolition (C), and with education (A and E).

Another problem with the voting system was the lack of a private vote. Employers could influence the way their employees voted by threatening to punish them if they failed to vote for their preffered candidate. This problem was fixed in 1872, when William Gladstone's government passed the Ballot Act which guaranteed a secret system of voting. Although the immediate results of the reform act were not earth shattering, the country had taken, as Lord Derby said, "a leap in the dark." Strikes, union advances, and labor organization were powerful forces for change in the final years of the century. William Gladstone was elected as Prime Minister of England for the second time in 1880 and the most important legislative action that took place during his second ministry was the Reform Act of 1884. The reform act was rejected the first time it was presented to the House of Lords, but accepted the second time because it was accompanied by a redistribution act, which had the following implications. "(i) seventy-nine towns with populations smaller than 15,000 lost their right to elect an MP; (ii) thirty-six with populations between 15,000 and 50,000 lost one of their MPs and became single member constituencies; (iii) towns with populations between 50,000 and 165,000 were given two seats; (iv) larger towns and the country constituencies were divided into single member constituencies" (http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/PR1885.htm). The actual Reform Act of 1884

In this essay I will assess the outcomes of Additional Member system, First Past the Post system and the Closed Party List system. The F-P-T-P system is used to elect the members of House of Commons and local government in England and Wales. Voters select candidates, and do so by marking his or her name with an ‘X’ on the ballot paper. This reflects the principle of ‘one person, one vote’. The Additional Members system is used in Scottish parliament, Welsh assembly, and Northern Ireland Assembly and Greater London assembly. It is a mixed system made up of F-P-T-P and party-list elements. The Regional party list (or the closed party list) is used to elect the

There is evidence within the extract to support each explanation of how chartism gained support, however a reactions to economic conditions was stressed more by the speaker. This could of been due to people believing this to be the most important part of chartism and related to it more. Many people but not all, also believed that being part of the political movement would help to resolve the economic condition, while also being part of a community in a time were social exclusion was a major part of society.

movement, it united the public for change in parliament which ultimately led to the government

The Great Reform Act passed in 1832 was brought in due to a number of inside and outside pressures. For example, the fall of the Tories and the economic crisis of 1829-30. Britain pre 1832 was known as one of the most unrepresentative countries. English counties elected 82 MPs-only men who owned property worth over 40 shillings a year could elect these MPs (only the ruling classes.)Boroughs or towns elected 394 MPs-most voters were in southern England therefore new industrial cities such as Birmingham & Manchester had no MPs to represent them. There were rotten boroughs and pocket boroughs- corruption and bribery. In some areas there was no competition about who to elect the local

The Chartist movement and those involved advocated for the right to vote to be extended to working class men. So, that working class people could have a voice in parliament. They also advocated for the elimination of the secret ballot to eliminate voter intimidation. And the narrator states that “John Barton became a Chartist, a Communist, all that is commonly called wild and visionary” (169). This meant that he wanted more representation for the workers in working environments such as in the factories. Another thing that he wanted

The 1832 Parliamentary Reform Act was the beginning of electoral reform in Britain. The Act increased the size of the electorate, abolished some ‘rotten boroughs’ and provided more representation for those who lived in metropolitan areas of Britain. The Parliamentary Reform Bill is a useful primary source when looking at how the electoral system changed in Britain because it shows exactly how the electoral system changed in Britain. However, it is not able to show what effect the act had on the British people, who supported or opposed the Act and the Act does not show how corrupt the old system was.

 Chartism was the name of a variety of protest movements in England during the 1830s and 40s, which aimed to bring about change  in social and economic conditions through political reform. Its name comes from the People’s Charter, a six-point petition presented to the House of Commons with the hope of having it made law. The six point included annual parliaments, universal manhood suffrage, abolition of the property qualification for members of the House of Commons, the secret ballot, equal electoral districts, and salaries for members of Parliament.

By the late 1920s, this participatory politics had disappeared from Poplar. The Labour council had become more elitist and more right- wing (and, as will be argued, these two developments arc not unrelated) in other words, the council was becoming increasingly separate from the institutions of its civil society. Yet it retained local loyally, continuing to achieve very large majorities on the council and Board of Guardians and very high election turnouts (London County Council, 1915—30). and this was because it never became alienated from Poplar’s Local culture. This apparent paradox of a continuouS cultural milieu coexisting with changing social relationshiPs will be discussed in terms of the

Moreover, several conferences and meetings were regularly held. All of this had made the working class the most important supporter to the movement. During the Chartist Movement, it is no doubt that the working class is the movement’s most important supporter. “The largest Chartist petition claimed to have nearly 6 million signatures.”