Why the MOIS?
Why has Rouhani relied so much on the MOIS at an unprecedented rate while cutting the number of the IRGC-connected ministers? The answer is not in Rouhani’s connection to the MOIS. While served as the head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council for 16 years, from 1998 to 2005, where he had a close working relations with the country’s intelligence and security apparatus, he never worked at the MOIS. He reportedly rejected Rafsanjani’s offer to be lead the ministry in the 90s. As Rafsanjani’s right hand man during the Iran-Iraq war when Rafsanjani was managing the war, Rouhani had worked with the IRGC commanders who at the time were very close to Rafsanjani. To find the real reason why Rouhani relies so much on the
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In his second term, Ahmadinejad under the influence of his adviser Esfandiar Rahim Mashayi, added nationalist and anti-clerical elements to his anti-aristocratic rhetoric. As the relation between Ahmadinejad and Khamenei worsened, IRGC’s share of his second cabinet dropped to 38 percent. Despite their increasing enmity toward each other, Ahmadinejad and the IRGC continued their project of limiting and targeting the evolutionary aristocracy. In 2013, the revolutionary aristocracy, on both sides of the aisles created a united front to defeat the IRGC-connected candidates, Saeed Jalili and Bagher Ghalibaf. They picked Hassan Rouhani, a reliable principlist with deep ties to the intelligence and security establishment who was acceptable to the Reformists. The revolutionary aristocracy also sent Ali Akbar Velayati to the ring whose only job was to use his extensive foreign policy experience to attack Saeed Jalili. Rouhani knocked down Bagher Ghalibaf, the other IRGC-backed candidate.
MOIS, the most powerful tool of the revolutionary aristocracy
The revolutionary aristocrats are corrupt. Those who conquered the palace of power riding a storm of Islamist-socialist revolution and used to preach against capitalism became the crony –capitalist of their time, moved from the old small house in the poor southern district of Tehran to the luxurious multi- million dollar villas in the north of Tehran, to be fair
Iran was faced with high unemployment rates and immense property, as workers had low wages and protection, and the country was underdeveloped. Iranians lost hope for a better future, as the promises of a prosperous Iran made by the Shah were not coming true. For example, the Shah believed that developing an industrial base with multiple foreign contractors and corporations would be economically beneficial for the country. Due to these investments made, Iran's oil market was flourishing in the late 1970's. However, an increase in oil profits resulted in problems with absorbing funds, leading to an increase in spending. Iran was therefore hit with effects such as inflation and corruption. Another example is that the Shah hoped for a modernization program for Iran. With this, the hope was to limit the land one could hold, decreasing the financial gap between the wealthy and poor. The result was that wealthy families continued to be as wealthy and the economic status of peasants generally worsened. Modernization also negatively affected religious institutions relying on a network of exchange, as limited land made it harder for trade. A final consequence of land reform was that peasants were forced to move to cities, begging to Westerners in order to feed themselves. These peasants began to see the negative impact western culture had made in society. They found inner peace through
This continued to exacerbate the gap between the social classes of Iran. The main reason for the Shah’s confidence in bringing his people prosperity was the mass amount of revenue Iran was generating from Oil. The nationalization of Iran’s oil in the fifties meant increased profits for the nation. Iran’s economy was growing exponentially; its GDP was five times higher in 1976 than it was in 1960 (Clawson, p.15). Islamic modernists, such as Marxist Mujaheddin-e-Khalq, opposed the Shah’s capitalist economic policies (Diller 1991, p.152). There were several other groups that were not pleased with the Shah’s growing focus on economic growth, including the ulemas (councils composed of local Mullahs or respected religious leaders) (Sanders 1990, p.66). These ulemas possessed considerable local influence, as they were in charge of the educational systems and had influence over the urban poor and bazaar merchants (Diller 1991, p.152). In the midst of all that was going on in Iran, Khomeini lived in exile in Paris. The Ayatollah however, was well informed, and managed to sneak tapes into the country to his supporters and the local ulemas. These tapes spread the word of Islamic fundamentalism to these groups that opposed that Shah, and gave them a binding power that eventually would be the revolution of February 1979. Not long, Khomeini had
Iran was now unprotected, and a new power came into being. The Arabs invaded and the quality of life changed. “People fell into poverty as the greedy court imposed ever-increasing taxes. Tyranny tore apart the social contract between ruler and ruled that Zoroastrian doctrine holds to be the basis of organized life” (21). The Iranian people couldn’t survive with a ruler who had no sympathy or respect for them. Their life was being over run by foreigners.
Roy Mottahedeh has studied premodern Iran for years as a professor of history at both Princeton and Harvard University. His inspiration for the book comes from an anonymous professor who had lived in Qom during the late 1970’s, where and when the book primarily takes place. Mottahedeh’s source had left the company of mullahs and became a professor at the University of Tehan. In preparation of the book, Mottahedeh spent two years reading the curriculum of mullahs and interviewed numerous Iranian people who experienced the revolution first hand. Before the book begins, the author addresses the reader directly by acknowledging certain criteria that he wishes to make known. Mottahehdeh notes that no character in his story is real, but are based off of real people and a combination of their narratives. Additionally, he addresses the non- Iranian reader by explaining that no presentation of Iranian religious tradition can please all Iranians. He argues that, some Iranians will feel that the account of the mullah in his book is not reverential enough and others will believe he is too respectful. Lastly, Mottahedeh has certain objectives for his reader that he wishes to make known. These consisted of the revival of religion in politics, the emergence of deeply
The complexity of America’s relationship with Iran increased steadily beginning in 1908, when Iran struck oil. The Shah, the king or emperor of Iran, after taking the place of his young predecessor Reza Shah Pahlavi with the help of the CIA, led Iran into a period of extreme wealth and prosperity, the likes of which the Iranian people had never experienced. However, with the growth of wealth in Iran came the growth of Iranian resentment towards the West, specifically the United States. The Iranian’s resented the uneven distribution of wealth that they felt existed and the United State’s influence in “westernizing” their society. In 1963, this growing hatred led to a conflict with the Islamic clergy. The conflict was quickly settled by the Shah, but he was unaware that this dispute was the beginning
Shi’ite Islam was, and still is, the prominent ideology for Iran’s citizens, and its deep history suggests how their government should be run differently from that of the Shah. Shi’ite Islam places the legitimacy of power on the Imam, totally independent of state (Elwell-Sutton, 393). The religious leader Ayatollah Khomeini should take charge of the country instead of the Shah because Khomeini’s authority would be based off of religion. Shi’ite thinking says that religious power (true justice) will always be in conflict with the
At the time of the 1953 coup, oil revenues were less than 34 million. But by 1977 oil revenue was at over 20 billion. This big leap in oil revenue led to the increase of people in the middle class. In 1953, the middle class was only 5.4% of the labor force but by 1977 the modern middle class formed 6.7% of the labor force in Iran. The expansion of the middle class is impressive, except the Shah administration did not form a good relationship with these people. The Shah put in place policies that benefited the upper class instead of the middle and lower classes (the people that do all the work). Furthermore, Structural Causes of the Iranian Revolution, by Ervand Abrahamian (May, 1980) continues to talk about the importance of the middle class in Iran. The strongest piece of the middle class in Iran were the bazaars, who accounted for two thirds of the retail trade in Iran. From 1953 to 1975 the regime’s policy was very relaxed towards the bazaars and the bazaars were successful. But in 1975 due
Founded in 1968, IATI started as a group of actors who met to produce plays in NY. In 1970, IATI was incorporated as a NY-based non-profit for producing plays in Spanish.
When the Iranian Revolution succeeded in 1979, Iran wanted to gain the admiration and the support of Arab countries, benefiting in particular from the support by the Shah of Iran and his relationship with Israel before the collapse of his regime. On this very first day of the victory of the revolution, Iran was keen to extend its bonds with the Islamic world, and when this was not possible in most cases, because of many complex causes of the revolution, Iran began to look for «organizations» instead of «regime’s or countries», in order to continue its role in Islamic issues. Iran was keen to show that this role was one of the foundations of the revolution and its beliefs, in
Enduring both governments taught me that when I vote for political leaders in the future, I must be well-researched and know the agendas of the parties. This was proven to me when most of the citizens of Hexicos, who had selected David as their Prime Minister as a joke, began regretting their decision immensely as his policies did not fulfill their needs.
It’s important to recognize those who make an impact on their world. Mohammed Mossadegh is one of those people, as he represents 1951 “Person of the Year”. Mossadegh was born on May 19, 1882 in Iran, a place known for their trading routes and oil supply. The people of Iran take pride from where they come from, while appreciating their Zoroastrian religion as Kinzer says, “the Zoroastrian religion taught Iranians that citizens have an inalienable right to enlightened leadership” (Kinzer 20). Being only eight years old when Iran’s government started to fumble, Mossadegh was able to grasp onto politics at a young age (Kinzer 54). As Prime Minister of Iran under the Pahlavi dynasty, Mossadegh’s decision to Nationalize the most profitable British business in the world, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, caused foreign conflict as it did political chaos (Kinzer 53). Mossadegh’s decision was based off of his experiences he had, during his reign as Prime Minister, and the great passion he had for his country (Kinzer 123).
3. Calculate the client's target heart rate at 60% and 80% using the Karvonen formula.
During Satrapi’s early childhood, the traditions and history of Iran had been going through drastic changes. The Iranian Revolution was when Iran’s monarchy under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was overthrown and replaced with an Islamic republic under Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini who led the revolution. ii
financial failures, and perceived belief that the Shah was being controlled by Western powers for
2. We have assumed that there are only two possible outcomes if the test is imperfect i.e. whatever the system turns out to be (bad or good)