The theories of international relations (IR) and transnational politics offer quite different views on international politics. Whereas, traditional IR focuses on inter-state relations, transnational politics focuses on interaction in a specific issue area between societal actors in different national systems, for example issues as feminism, the occupy movement or multinational companies. According to Sikkink (1998), these kinds of transnational issues present a puzzle for theorists of IR. Many of the dominant theories (but predominantly Realism), have trouble accounting for the rise of certain issues (in Sikkink’s case human rights) and dismiss them as marginal or insignificant (Sikkink, 1998:517). In this essay I will explain the differences …show more content…
International relations has its focus on inter-state relations where states are regarded the most important actor. Transnational politics focuses more on interaction between societal actors in different nation states. In this essay, I used the case of the Kurdish diaspora to prove my point. As I mentioned earlier, the concept of transnational politics entails three important features. First, there is interaction between societal actors of different nation states. This was the case as the Kurdish diaspora is scattered all over the world, but kept in contact. Second, it bypasses the institution of government. This is also the case, because the Kurdish diaspora do not have a homeland and consequently no government. Third and last, the interactions affect government and states. This requirement is also met because of the possibilities the Kurds have to influence their homeland and host countries’ policies. Thus, due to the fact that the Kurdish diaspora meets the three requirements it provides a perfect example of transnational politics and is a good example of the difference between international relations and transnational
In this section, I argue that through the intervention of outside institutions and governments, foreign advisors and experts, and returnees from diaspora, a new politico-economic model begins to emerge, albeit very slowly and takes force in the late 1990s and reaches it apex in the late 2000s. I work towards answering questions such as, how and why this model was implemented and who were the actors, advisors, and think tanks behind it? What are the consequences on everyday experiences for individuals and the collective? These questions will be answered by engaging with ethnographic works and theoretical literature on neoliberalism, capitalism and the everyday. To follow the historical roots of political and economic developments and trace their everyday affects vis-à-vis ethnographic narratives. To understand how in Kurdistan a small elite made up of local politicians, World Bank officials, economic advisors and class of businessmen have come to test their righteous neoliberal agenda on previously neglected, underdeveloped region. A place requiring development and modern changes, politically but most importantly,
?Modern Turkish National identity has been shaped by events that have taken place in the region throughout its history. The formation of the national identity can be attributed to two dichotomies of political thought and culture. Some people want to keep in line with Turkey?s modern history as a secular westernized country looking to join the European Union; while others hearken back to the days of the Ottoman Empire and wish to make Turkey a divided Islamic state. Conflict between those who consider themselves Turks and the Kurdish separatist party, a militant rebel force, has long shaped the changing Turkish national Identity. Today, Turkey in many ways has had ?to depart from a strict
The Kurds mostly live throughout Iran, Turkey and Iraq. Also, some of them can be found living in Syria, Russia, Lebanon and Germany. Kurdish intellectuals live in exile in European countries such as France, Sweden etc. (1 pg.1). In 1975, the Kurds made up 19 percent of Turkey’s population with a total number of 7,500,000 people. They had a population of 2,500,000 people in Iraq which made 23 percent of the country’s population. In Iran, the Kurdish people made up 10 percent of Iran’s population consisting of 3,500,000. In addition, the Kurds were a part of 8.5 percent of Syria’s population with 500,000 people (1 pg. 4). Moreover, in 1991, the Kurds maintained 19 percent of Turkey’s population with an increased population of 10,800,000 people. Their numbers increased in Iraq with a population of 4,100,000 people upholding their 23 percentile. The Kurdish people increased in numbers and made up 23 percent of Iran’s population with a number of 5,500,000. Their population consisted of 1,000,000 in Syria making up 8 percent of their populace (1 pg. 4). Therefore, one can draw the conclusion that the Kurds are in large
“A theory of international politics… can describe the range of likely outcomes of the actions and interactions of states within a given system and show how the range of expectations varies as systems change. It can tell us what pressures are exerted and what possibilities are posed by systems of different structure, but it cannot tell
The international relations theory that best explains Operation Provide Comfort would be the constructivist theory. However, Turkey’s involvement in the operation may also be explained through subaltern realism. The fact that the nations that comprised the coalition, save for Turkey, conducting Operation Provide Comfort went through the official channel of the UN shows that the intention was to act within the norms of the international community for conducting humanitarian interventions. Had the US decided to act unilaterally, without permission from the other states involved or the UN, it strongly indicate that the US self-interests superseded those of the global community. Furthermore, the coalition of western powers respected Turkey’s sovereignty by keeping the refugees at the border and providing aid in refugee camps there. Respecting a nations sovereignty, or giving reasonable cause for violating it, is an essential portion of constructivism as it indicates that states respect the artificially implemented restraints on themselves that they have set up.
Doyle, M. ‘Liberalism and World Politics’, American Political Science Review, 1986, vol. 80(4), pp. 1151-69
International relations (IR) focuses on the behaviors and interactions of states. Walt (1998), argues that IR is guided its dominant paradigms: realism, liberalism, and constructivism. Nevertheless, other scholars focus on perspectives that are informed by regional history. For example, Smith (2009) suggests that African perspectives can inform IR theory. In this essay, I will discuss how African perspectives inform IR theory. First, I’ll discuss the focus of African perspectives. Second, I’ll discuss how the African perspective informs IR theory. Third, and finally, I’ll conclude with a summary of the main points of the essay.
Alexander Wendt belongs to the school of “Social Constructivists” who claim that the important features of International Relations (IR) are constructed , either social or historically. Identities and interests of international actors are given required space by constructivists. Wendt talks about two approved and accepted fundamental aspects of Constructivism "that the structures of human association are determined primarily by shared ideas rather than material forces, and that the identities and interests of purposive actors are constructed by these shared ideas rather than given by nature1
International relations has been the most outstanding project that was taken up by different nations around the globe to ensure that each state is living on check as per the given guidelines that are universally produced. It is understood that each nation has a Constitution that primarily guide how each carry out its human rights agenda, trade, socio-economic and political activities. However, with constant interactions it was found necessary to formulate a policy that would allow a nation to intervene on behalf of the other in case of any activities that may appear subtle to the world. The idea behind the conception of international relations branch was to try and understand relations among different states mostly by identifying the source of conflict and trying to solve the conflict to avoid war (Eventon, 2009).
International relations is filled with a lot of different theories and perspectives that try predict and make sense of the events and situations that occurs between countries. While no theory is perfect the best two perspectives to know in order to understand international relations are realism and constructivism. Although constructivism is a good theoretical perspective I believe it ultimately it falls short of giving a true understanding of everything that goes into international relations. In the long run the best theoretical perspective to help someone get a full understanding of international relations is Realism.
The power globalisation brings politically is extreme to the point that "globalization is thought to result in the erosion of nation states and national sovereignty by new international actors." (Yeates, 2001). This can be seen looking into transnational corporations and the huge rise of these, to the point that some TNC 's have huge influence of a state due to their size and worth, even to the extent of having a larger GDP than the country they are looking at redeveloping. "TNCs can be caught between competing value standards of political non-interference in a country’s domestic affairs and the pursuit of either activist involvement in such politics or a penalizing withdrawal from the country aimed at forcing changes in the host government’s policies." (UNCTAD, 1999). To the point the state create policies to allow for TNC 's to establish themselves within a given country, which benefits them most due to they have no attachment to government and move freely across the globe. "Since TNCs owe no allegiance to any state, they (re)locate wherever market advantage exists." (Yeates, 2002). Making TNC 's a very attractive investment for states due to the pulling power they bring to a countries economy. If even it means cutting costs in the public sector for example, as the opportunity to have a TNC within the country more be extremely beneficial for the economy and society due to the revenue and employment opportunities it brings. Also see how economic policies are being
In the first theory, Realism, the international system is defined by anarchy and the lack of a central authority, meaning that states are independent from each other and no structure or system can establish a forced relation among them. In this type of system, power is the main objective that each state plans to accomplish because only by achieving this power they can protect themselves and survive. According to this theory, there are different powers that a state plans to achieve for example the military power, the economic power or the diplomatic power. States seek to achieve the instruments of “hard” and “soft” power, to gain influence over other states and to accomplish this goal may be necessary to engage in war, conflicts or
Three of the five international relations theories, Realism, Liberalism, and Feminism have very interesting and different positions pertaining to global politics and issues. These theories, although quite different, effect the past present and future of global politics. Realists tend to believe the worst in humanity, that they are inherently selfish, and expect the worst. They are always prepared for war, and will go on the offensive if it means gaining more power and respect. Liberals do not think people are inherently selfish, but rather people are rational and moral. Liberals don’t want war, but will join if another state poses a threat, or has already attacked. The feminism theory does not pertain much to that of Realism and Liberalism, but more on the education of society and how women could have a positive impact on the government. This paper will cover these three theories, and go into detail on how they affect the world and the states they are currently and previously acted in.
Over the last decade, Turkey has improved their efforts to represent themselves as a leading example of an Islamic-democratic state within the middle-eastern territory. In its efforts to promote democracy, a series of conflicts have caused Turkey to become deeply polarized, and backsliding towards an Authoritarian Regime. In my paper i will discuss the specific contributions to the increased amount of conflict within Turkey's borders, and how the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has refocused its powers from the west towards the Muslim Middle East. The analysis will provide a depliction of how Turkey has faced certain challenges, which have altered their democratic national identity, and how its political leader Erdogan has influenced
The less foreign actors are to each other, the higher the chance of peaceful relations between them. This is the idea behind the EU. Liberalism focuses on transnational relationships between people, groups, and organizations. These transnational relationships are creating a new form of human society, in which human society exists alongside, and even challenges the state (Hatto, 2015). In his book World Society, John Burton explores the ‘cobweb model’ of transnationalism. In which the reverberations of a single actors’ action can be felt throughout the international system (Burton, 1972: 450). As a result, states are tied up closely in trade and other issue making conflict costly and its occurrence is greatly