Lindsey_SSGS500_Literature Review

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Oct 30, 2023

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Literature Review After the events of September 11 th , the international security strategy of the United States has been regularly evaluated and reevaluated to provide more flexibility in responding to the ever-changing security environment that before only focused on major state actor such as Russian, China and Iran. The post September 11 th security environment for the United States has changed to countering and combatting non-state actors such as ISIS and al-Qaeda, which has consumed a large amount of operational and intelligence resources. This has resulted in major state actors getting a little breathing room to quickly catch up to the United States regarding technology and reorganizing their own international security strategies. Thus, the United States is now operating in a dual environment against state and non-state actors that possess the same capabilities at a maximum capacity. The challenge for policymakers in Washington D.C. is deciding the importance of traditional security problem-sets and the validation of their continued integration into the United States National Security Strategy. One of the current problem-sets is Taiwan, which the United States has utilized their sovereignty as a strategic countermeasure against Chinese political and military objective in the South and East China seas for the last 60 years (Hickey 2013, p. 16). The People Republic of China (PRC) has laid claimed that Taiwan is their territory and does not recognize their sovereignty as an independent nation. The PRC wants unification of Taiwan and has considered reclaiming the territory using peaceful negotiations, coercion, or military force. This situation has created a long-term security issue for the United States who maintained an unwavering political and diplomatic relationship with Taiwan and accepted the role of protector for the Taiwanese government against the PRC.

The purpose of this research paper is to look at the leading factors that resulted in Taiwan being a strategic asset for the United States and determine whether Taiwan still has a value as a strategic asset for policymakers who must decision how security commitments in the Pacific-Asia region would be affected if Taiwan was no longer implemented in the international security strategy of the United States. The common concept of the current situation will be examined. Identified theoretical frameworks will be discussed and conclusions will be provided. Literature Review of the Research Question The purpose of the research question is to discover the different impact levels on the United States’ security commitments in the Pacific-Asia region should Taiwan and China complete the unification. While there have been numerous conversations and debates about the subject of unification between the two nations with conversations about how the United States should response, there is no simple answer for the question. Concepts that will examined are Taiwan’s geographic location in relation to China and if Taiwan is still an asset or liability. Freedom for the United States, our NATO allies, and regional partners to navigate the South and East China seas. The United States maintaining credibility in the Pacific-Asia region. Lastly, the threat of the PRC military influence beyond their borders, along with the theoretical frameworks related to this study. Unsinkable Aircraft Carrier or Political Liability World War II General Douglas MacArthur was quoted saying, “the unsinkable aircraft carrier” in reference to Taiwan’s geographic location which offers the United States the asset of being a forward operating base for open warfare against China. Taiwan’s geographic

location is approximately 112 miles from the Chinese mainland and allowed the United States the capability of utilizing the island as a strategic asset, while implementing security strategies to redirect PRC movements within the Pacific-Asia region. Different scholars such as Yoshihara, Raine, Holmes, and Liao and Lin have advised that Taiwan is critical in the prevention of Chinese dominance from influencing the rest of the Pacific-Asia region. The Pacific state is considered a natural defensive barrier that dictates how the People’s Liberation Army and Naval forces operate in the South and East China seas. The status quo of Taiwan’s position is required to maintain the stability of the region, so China cannot have the capability of shifting it ballistic missiles doctrine to other nations in the Pacific-Asia region. The positive outcome of continuing to implement Taiwan into the United States security strategy in the Pacific-Asia, research has shown counterpoints referencing Taiwan as a political liability that will eventually bring the United States into open warfare with China (Wu and Lin 2019, p. 354). Wang has argued that Taiwan as a strategic asset for the United States has changed as the international community has shifted their international priorities (Kuo and Yah 2015, p. 25). This has resulted in placing the United States’ political and security interests in a difficult position by supporting Taiwan against the unification attempts of China. The PRC’s military and technology section have closed the gap with the United States, and the US military no longer possesses the superior edge used to deter Chinese aggression in using force for unification. Resulting in instability in the Pacific-Asia region. Freedom of Navigation, Credibility, and Increase of Chinese Influence Being able to freely navigate the Taiwan Straits and the South and East China Seas and unrestricted by the PLA Navy (PLAN) is a common concept which directly connect with two other themes of United States credibility in the region and denying Chinese influence

from increasing. Scholars Song, Xinbo, Ong, Holmes, and Rosen have discussed different points about the freedom of navigation; suggesting that the loss of Taiwan as a strategic asset would allow China to restrict the freedom of navigation not only for military forces enforcing maritime law, but also for commercial vessels and subject them Chinese maritime rule. Furthermore, the research has predicted that if Taiwan was no longer implemented into the United States security strategy and allowed unification, China’s influence in the region would not only have a negative impact on commercial and military vessels but would allow China the opportunity to reposition military assets that could be utilized to passively coerce or threat of force against U.S. allies and partners in the Pacific-Asia region. Lee and Schreer have stated that China does not have the deep-water harbor ports to support their submarine fleet and having control of Taiwan would allow them access to these ports and the eastern portion of the Pacific Ocean (Lee & Schreer 2013, p. 59). PLAN force would have the opportunity to challenge U.S. naval forces operating in the areas of Hawaii and Guam while at the same time threaten to lay claims over territories within the region once recognized as part of the Taiwan’s economic exclusion zones. Lastly, Yoshihara has stated losing Taiwan as a strategic asset would allow China the opportunity refocus their ballistic missile doctrine from Taiwan and redeploy their ballistic missile weapon system to other major state actors in the region such as Japan, South Korea, or Australia (Yoshihara 2010, p.46). The combine efforts of shifting ballistic missiles, loss of freedom to navigate, and China influence increasing; impacts the United States’ credibility among Pacific-Asia allies and partners. An impact that some scholars have debated might make Pacific-Asia nations to reconsider the United States mutual defense pacts and other agreed upon security commitments; thus, pursue a stronger bond with the Chinese.

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