Introduction The Canadian foreign policy of the 1930s has been a subject of scholarly inquiry for quite some time .In this paper, we compare the readings of Norman Hillmer,"Defence and Ideology: The Anglo-Canadian Military Alliance in the 1930's "Eayrs, James " A low Dishonest Decade" : Aspects of Canadian External Policy, 1931-1939. James Eayrs in his work titled. In "'A Low Dishonest Decade': Aspects of Canadian External Policy, 1931-1939," noted that the policy of appeasement as part of a path to war was adopted by the then Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King. These were however largely for self-interest reasons. On the contrary the view presented by Norman Hillmer in his "Defence and Ideology: The Anglo-Canadian Military Alliance in the 1930's" work that stated that a leader's hesitancy to be duly engaged in European affairs is mainly justified by the weakness in public support for various issues of international character as well as a heightened level of linguistic cleavage. The work of Hillmer is noted to be superior to that of Eayrs' for various reasons. The first one being that Canada was largely misinformed on the very nature of the then Nazi Germany. The second reason is that the Canadian federalism at that time was characterized by heightened level of provincial power. This suggested that the King had an intense focus on the national unity, a focus which was not driven by self-interest. Therefore the work of Hillmer can be regarded as far much superior
* bootleg running was popular, but if caught: imprisonment with hard labour, $1000 fine, killed by gangs
Conscription proved itself on angering many French Canadians. The October Crisis showed how French Canadians can fight back against Canada. The 1992 and 1995 Referendums demonstrated the actions that the French can take if they are ignored. Becoming aware of Canada’s actions can prevent straining French-English relations to the point where it cannot be
Firstly, the Conscription Crisis of 1942 provoked conflict between the French and English Canadians, but also changed Canadian identity positively during the 1940s. Ever since World War ll began and Canada joined the war the French Canadians highly opposed to the idea of conscription; “[...]English-Canadians, who were mostly in favour of conscription, and French-Canadians, who were strongly opposed.” To begin with, the prime minister of Canada at the time, Mackenzie King had acknowledged the great disagreement the French Canadians had against conscription and made a promise to the nation: “King’s government [...] had promised the nation, and particularly Quebec, that it would not send any conscripts to serve overseas.” The last thing that King wanted to do was to impose conscription especially when Quebec strongly believed in anti-conscription: “The Quebec ministers kept a strong vigil over King's anti-conscription predisposition, reminding him of the terrible divisiveness of the World War 1
When it comes to Canadian History, perhaps the most controversial and widely disputable topic of debate would have to be one of Canada’s greatest wars: The War of 1812. A wide array of views are held on many aspects of the war ranging from who won to what ramifications the war would ultimately sire. In yet another discussion on the ever so controversial War of 1812, a new question was posed and deliberated by five historians: whose war, was it? Like any other question posed about this war a multitude of ideas would ultimately arise in each of their differing viewpoints. In their roundhouse discussion, the historians would ultimately serve to paint the War of 1812 as a war that transcends much further than the nationalistic view. A view that, though an important part of Canadian history, has been exaggerated to the point of choking out the many voices who fought and continue to fight for inclusion in the narrative. In their remembrance of the War of 1812, society unwittingly failed history in their lackluster commemorations which exclude important narratives and voices and stand tainted by the misuse of history to serve the nationalistic agenda.
As time goes on, some countries become more relevant in the global sphere while others start to fade away. Canada is a country that only becomes more relevant as time goes on. Since being granted full sovereignty, Canada has had a growing role as a major world player. Much of their international growth has to do with its close ties to the United States and the United Kingdom. However, the country has also undergone huge change and refocusing on a domestic level. With influence from both Europe and the United States, Canada has a very unique system of governing. This paper will focus on a few major areas of Canada. It will look into the history of Canada, the structure of its government, its politics, and many of the major issues it faces today.
John Diefenbaker was the last “old Tory” to be the Prime Minister of Canada. He was a member of the Conservative Party with deep values as well as being a British loyalist who supported the Queen. Diefenbaker was also a man that was well known for not supporting anything he thought was anti- British. This sentiment was most evident when Diefenbaker criticized the Liberal’s refusal to support Britain in the Suez Canal crisis and sided with the Americans. This loyalty the Diefenbaker had to the British Commonwealth would not serve him well as Prime Minister of Canada. In 1958, Diefenbaker would win the largest majority government in Canadian history upsetting the new leader of the Liberal Party, Lester B. Pearson, who had taken over for St.
The most important aspect of this proposal deals with the aftermath of the Canadian insurrections. This will be of extreme to significance to the reader as the aftermath of the rebellion would change the destiny of Canada. After learning of the uprisings in the Canadian colonies the British parliament sent a commission to study the causes. Lord Durham was named governor on May of 1839 and was in placed in charge of establishing an inquiry into the rebellions. From this inquiry came a list of recommendations submitted to the parliament in London (Outlett, 275). Two recommendations in this report became extremely significant to Canadian history.
John George Diefenbaker and Lester Bowles Pearson both acted as Prime Minister of Canada during the Cold War. The two were from different Canadian political parties that accorded to their beliefs and principles, Diefenbaker being a Progressive Conservative party member and Pearson a Liberal. Diefenbaker was leaning left as a Conservative, similarly to Eisenhower, who was presiding at the time, and thus shared a fair relationship with him, though the same could not be said for the US in general; Pearson’s administration presided also along a Democratic administration in the US, though they clashed often due to the American actions in the Vietnam War. Diefenbaker was elected to office as his party held the greatest proportion in the Parliament, however, he won only with a minority. During his administration, Diefenbaker implemented policies that were considered liberal, most of which he was able to pass, in contrast to Pearson, who only succeeded in passing near half of his due to the majority he lacked most times in the House of Commons. Both Diefenbaker and Pearson had political experience before they became PMs, they also share a similarity in that they attempted to solidify Canada as a nation and to remove the hyphenation in Canadian citizenship; both achieving success in varying extents. However, Diefenbaker shared differing views on Canadian dependence and
Canada’s contribution in the Allied war effort did not only come from Canadian soldiers, but also from regular, everyday citizens who never saw battle, such as those involved in the Canadian war industry, BCATP, and the Corps of Canadian Firefighters. The Canadian industry supplied a great deal of war materials for the Allies, producing “more than 800,000 military transport vehicles, 50,000 tanks, 40,000 field, naval, and anti-aircraft guns, and 1,700,000 small arms.”6 Canada’s strong war industry was required to produce as much ammunition, weapons, and vehicles as they could in order to defeat Germany, who had great industrial power at the time. In 1939, Canada became the home for major recruiting and training for pilots during the Second World War in an organization called the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan. Throughout the war, Canada had graduated 131,533 airmen, including pilots, navigators, bomb aimers, wireless operators, air gunners and flight engineers.7 These men would later become involved in the war in the air, and their numbers would greatly contribute to the Allied air superiority. During the Battle of Britain, German air forces relentlessly bombarded London and
“Our first duty is to win, at any cost!” Sir Robert Borden played an important role as Canadian Prime Minister during World War I, and while he is to be praised, he also to be held accountable for his actions; especially in the passing of Bills through parliament. Sir Robert Borden had not a great vision but more so a motto to live up to (to strive for), a country to lead in a worldwide war, and decisions that if not taken in a certain light, would have disrupted the newly forming “peaceful” dominion into a divided house.
Ian Mosby’s Food Will Win the War is a comprehensive survey of the policy and social culture around food in Canada during the Second World War. Divided into five distinct chapters Mosby’s central argument is that food served as a catalyst for cultural unity, evolution of political policy and definition of gender roles during the period of the war. The five chapters of Food Will Win the War are divided largely thematically rather than chronologically. Chapter’s One and Five each stretch back a little farther into the prewar and postwar period respectively to provide a proper narrative on the resolution of the malnutrition crisis in Canada during this time.
This allowed Canada to deal more effectively with language and other rights issues. It also gave Canada a sense of nationalism, as they were truly independent from Britain. Therefore, Pierre Elliott had an extremely significant impact on
Transcript of Canada East Alexander T. Galt Political deadlock: English-speaking and French-speaking people were constantly accusing one another of wanting it their own way Special Problems - Rich in coniferous forests, lakes, and rivers - Highest mountain: Mont D'Iberville (5420 ft) - St. Lawrence River runs through lower Quebec then drains out into the Gulf of St. Lawrence Colony Summary Canada East 1817-1883 Total population: 1 112 000 Largest cities and their population: -Montreal: 107 225 -Quebec city: 59 700 Occupations: -Farmers -Lumberjacks Income Sources: -lumbering -agriculture Geography Loss of preferred markets in Britain: Canada East had to look elsewhere to market its industrial and agricultural products Special Problems Being
Arthur Meighan’s view of the British Empire was that the British Empire should have a common foreign policy. where members of the British Empire (such as Canada), should be able to help and determine what the policy would be. Once the policy was set, all members of the British Empire would be obligated to support and follow it. This judgement was seen to have many weaknesses and strengths. The existing autonomy in Canada could go to waste when the common foreign policy gets implemented, resulting in our formal recognition in the battle of Vimy Ridge and result in the removal of Canada’s separate seat in the League of Nations. Furthermore, problems in Britain can be seen as Canadian problems, such as World War 1 where we suffered drastic casualties
It was in the weary war years of Mackenzie King in the 1930’s when the development of Canadian foreign policy started to take shape. Before that period Canada did not have an independent foreign policy with no international presence whatsoever and Canadian people saw themselves as part of the British dynasty. The first period in the formulation of Canadian foreign policy was in fact the ‘absence’ of policy and it was World War 1 which gave birth to foreign policy. Sixty thousand Canadians were lost which left Canadians wary of international development especially when there were very few military objectives. Canada had minimal control over her own troops and negotiations with the British were a challenge. Our troops were under control of the British and negotiating with the British was challenging. Looking back, there was almost a sense of absurdity about WW1. Therefore, Canadians came out of WW1 with a stronger than ever desire for independence. The Statute of Westminster, 1931, was the last of the Imperial Acts of the Parliament of Great Britain applicable to all dominions. It granted Canada,