What Contributions Have Feminist And Gender Approaches Made For The Development Of International Relations Theory?

In America, a culture of sustained racism and sexism influences foreign policymakers, which results in colonialism and imperialism, the desecration of nations, and militancy. The authors of the articles, Michael L. Krenn and Laura McEnaney, with differing skill sets, provide evidence of racial and gendered bias in foreign policy. In “The Adaptable Power of Racism,” Krenn expertly examines the history of racism within foreign policy; how racism adapted in the face of religious and scientific challenges, and the overall effects of racist foreign policies.1 McEnaney, in “Gender Analysis and Foreign Relations,” provides a lackluster account of the application of gender analysis to foreign policy, specifically in relation to the policies of the Cold War and Spanish-American War.2 The history of racism and sexism in America provide a blueprint for foreign policymakers, where racist militancy and sexist excuses override basic human rights.

The main arguments of Mohanty, Liederman, and Sen have similarities and differences. First, Mohanty’s main argument emphasizes the issue of white Western women belittling those of other cultures and ethnicities within the feminist movement. By asserting a universal notion of womanhood, these white Western women show ethnocentric universality through their ignorance of how the meaning of femininity, oppression, and liberation in the women’s movement vary in ethnic and cultural contexts (Mohanty, 1984, p. 335). By using a mindset that ignores ethnic differences, they therefore falsely construct and analyze “third world women,” believing that these women desperately need help to advance in society. Mohanty argues that in order for a feminist movement to advance, women must discontinue a paternalistic method of marginalizing women of different ethnicities to recognize the varied meanings of femininity, oppression, and liberation and enhance their solidarity and effectiveness as a whole group. This ethnocentrism is also present in Liederman’s

In 1984 Barbara Smith spoke of a Third World feminist movement: “And not only am I talking about my sisters here in the United States-American Indian, Latina, Asian American, Arab American-I am also talking about women all over the globe. . . Third World feminism has enriched not just the women it applies to, but also political practice in general.” (Smith 1984: 27) The struggle of many women in the Unites States and around the world is a product of the long legacy of colonization of the land, the people, and the history of people around the world by western, Christian, white men. This legacy has produced a fetishized image of the women of color in the U.S., as well as, in third world countries. This fetishization led to the creation of false

How did the feminist movement address the issues surrounding women’s rights in terms of their bodies?

Before the 60’s Mexico has experience a growth in their economy that was called the “Mexican miracle” because of the growth from 3% to 4% in just few time. However, after this period of growth, what followed was decades of debt. “In the late 1960s, Latin America

As the sole United States Delegate to the 2014 G(irls)20 Summit in Sydney, Australia, I worked with over twenty four other women to write a communique focused on how to economically empower women and girls internationally. The communique was then presented to the Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister of Australia and other leaders. For the past eight years, I have also participated as well as staffed numerous Model United Nations Conferences

Once we were the ones other countries look to, now the United States has to look at feminist from other countries for guidance. She questions this geographical shift and investigates the historical aspects of second-wave feminism. As Fraser discusses global identity politics she limited her viewpoint to Europe as reinventing feminism. She asserts feminist politics in the post-9/11 United States were slow to develop resources gender justice. As Fraser continues to discuss feminism and gender-coded politics in the United States, she doesn't address racial differences only class specifications. However, she does give her personal opinion on Republicans and Democrats as an example of gender politics. Fraser contends reframing feminism is necessary due to the misframing imposed on transnational feminists. Furthermore, Frasers still questions, “How can we integrate claims for redistribution, recognition, and representation so as to challenge the full range of gender injustices in a globalizing world?” (p.

Beginning in the late 1960s, Lillian Comas-Dίaz attended the University of Puerto Rico as an undergraduate during the second wave of feminism (Comas-Dίaz, 2005). Instead of promoting local feminism, she began to research and study the ideals of international feminism. Because of her family background, Comas-Dίaz had an array of cultures that she had been exposed to for most of her life. Therefore, her inspiration to identify and promote international feminism relied on the grounds that international

There are two critical ways in which this model must be examined, theoretically as well as its concrete outcomes and policy implications within Latin American states. By looking at

In the side of cultural relativists, behind the critique of feminists that stated they want attainment of equality and eliminations of all forms of discriminations lies a hidden agendas from imperialistic and islamophobic in the states that have antagonistic international relations that allied with feminists (Shaheed 1994; Kandiyoti 1995:20-1; Nesiah1993:193 n14). Relativists also argued that women who accused cultural relativism are part of the west and is a minority of culture. In contrary, feminists argue some that hidden agenda in the argument of cultural relativits is the promotion of the dignity of women are being pursued and cultural relativists use culture to protecting male perception. They argue that certain countries have used gender relations and status of women to further political interest. In sum, both critique are accused of being antagonistic to the goals of other critique such as cultural relativists see feminist as imperialist and feminist, sexist relativist. Then both of them form alliance where feminists allied with sexist imperialist and cultural relativists alliance with non-respecting

In the first reading, “Women’s Studies and Transnational Feminism,” the author discusses how beneficial it would be to have a global perspective from women all around the world and their personal stories. It would bring greater change if women’s stories weren’t only heard mainly from the U.S, but rather told by international women about their experience with oppression and way of living. According to the author the viewpoint of all the women globally is described as “transnational”, a way of challenging current basic understandings of supposed everyday women (specifically western women) and fighting to reconstruct this system to become an advantage to other women around the world. Rather than focusing on “global feminism” which doesn’t

The main weakness of feminist theories is that they are from a woman centered viewpoint. While the theories also mention social problems not strictly related to women, it still comes from that viewpoint. This creates a weakness of perspective, men and women do see the world differently. If you have a theory that is solely from the perspective of men or women then you are removing something intangible from that theory. Theories should be put forth that take into account a woman’s perspective, but the theories should also have the male perspective so that both viewpoints are clearly visible. It may seem a small complaint, but this small complaint can be the difference between seeing the bigger picture, or missing something critical because you only took a cursory look.

To understand the evolution of political institutions in Latin American and Caribbean countries one must understand the history of how politics have typically been corrupted, often dictatorial, and infrequently democratic in these regions. “Latin America has been a region that has experience foreign invasions, instabilities of institutions, and revolutions”. Latin American countries such as Chile, exemplify a country that has experienced an evolution from an authoritarian rule to a democratic regime due to factors such as the political structure, stateness, economic performance, social institutions, and international power and influence, that have contributed and, or hindered to a democratization.

Furthermore, women are often seen as a symbol of cultural preservation and a measure of family honor. In conditions of war and colonial rule, which represents an attack on men’s honor and dignity, attention to women’s roles as prescribed by cultural tradition is often intensified. However, the unusual conditions of war and resistance to colonial rule also may provide openings for women to reconfigure their roles and rights, based on new needs of society.

Colonialism/Postcolonialism is a remarkably comprehensive yet accessible guide to the historical and theoretical dimensions of colonial and postcolonial studies. National fantasies are they colonial, anti-colonial or postcolonial also play upon the connection between woman, land or nation. Feminist theory and postcolonial theory are occupied with similar questions of representation, voice, marginalization, and the relation between politics and literature. Given that both critical projections employ multidisciplinary perspectives, they are each attentive, at least in principle, to historical context and the geopolitical co-ordinates the subject in question. The identification of women as national mother stems from a wider association of nation with the family. The topic of feminism and postcolonialism is integrally tied to the project of literary postcoloniality