The State of US-EU Relations
Good Morning Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is my pleasure to speak to you today on the unfortunately precarious state of affairs between the United States and Europe. As you all know, hegemonic power has shifted between European nations for centuries, while the United States did not emerge as such an influential entity until after World War II. Since these post-war reconstructive years, the United States has continued to grow in social, economic, political, and diplomatic strength, thus cementing its role as a major international power. Although Europe came out of the war battered and bruised, it rose up out of the ashes, and surpassed its former glory to start yet another chapter in its historical saga.
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This may help bridge the Atlantic Rift between the United States and Europe; a separation that does not make us foes, but at the same time, makes it difficult for us to be close friends.
A nation’s history and development drastically affect its current policy and ways of dealing with other nations. Because each nation has a unique history, it makes the complete sharing of methods of response very unlikely. European nations, however, have a unifying advantage to which the United States cannot relate—they share many common historical experiences. Despite the fact that Great Britain, France, and Germany, for example, have not always gotten along well, they have experienced similar phases in their development. This background provides a foundation upon which to build the structure of their international policies. To take one example, sovereignty has always been an issue of great importance in the international community. Perhaps as a result of previous experience, it is less of a struggle to convince European nations to sacrifice some of their sovereignty. As has been shown by the success of the European Union, European nations are more willing to submit themselves to the authority of a higher power than is the United States. This may be because totalitarian rule has been a recurring theme in European history. The United States, on the other hand, fought for its
Due to the extensive cooperation on many wide ranges of issues in our world, the relationship between the America and Europe is often called the transatlantic partnership because of the trade we do with them, the two sides have many common values and concerns, and have begun to grow increasingly interdependent in the term of security and prosperity. When people do not bother us, we should not need to bother them either. However, if they are in need of our help, we should be able give it to them since they are our allies, it is, after all, the right thing to do to help them, as long they are not doing anything wrong.
“American leaders now believed that U.S. political isolation from Europe after the First World War had been a huge mistake, …Now, with Soviet forces ensconced in half the continent, and with communists strong in France, Italy, and, most important of all, Germany, U.S. policymakers again had reason to be wary.”
Moreover, ‘America’s example is also a critical component of our foundation.’ ‘Our moral leadership is grounded principally in the power of our example—not through an effort to impose our system on other peoples.’ The reinforcement will not lead to isolationism since ‘America has never succeeded through isolationism.’ Thus, the second way is to continue the broad commitment, characterizing lately the US behavior in the international system, but not necessarily militarily, rather by any other means. US will cooperate with allies, partners but also new powers like China, India or Russia. Additionally it will incite rivals to adhere to widely accepted and followed international norms. For this, all instruments of powers will be required. Then in order to spread commonly shared values beyond states, the US needs to reach their people. The government will therefore encourage connections with the American people for ‘we have seen that the best ambassadors for American values and interests are the American people – our businesses, nongovernmental organizations, scientists athletes, artists, military service members, and students.’ Shared values will naturally enable the last way, which is ‘Promoting a Just and Sustainable International Order.’ The idea is to, in the interest of all, to share the burden of international stability with nations, ad hoc groups of
As he notes that over the last half century, the international order has assimilated many rising powers into the political and economic landscape (Ikenberry, 58). Ikenberry claims this international order, or liberal order, is built upon the system of Westphalian relations (Ikenberry, 60). Furthermore, the liberal order became established when Britain advocated free trade (Ikenberry, 60). After the great wars, in the twentieth century, the United States took reign of the Liberal order and pushed liberal ideologies upon the world (Ikenberry, 60). Such leadership is seen through the creation of the UN, which created the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Ikenberry, 61). Notions of rights, sovereignty and global order followed, leaving us with the concept, as Ikenberry put it: “the responsibility to protect” (Ikenberry, 61). The United States led Liberal order expanded further with the development of multilateral institutions, alliances, free trade deals, and client states (Ikenberry, 61). Consequently, the United States created an order of ideals about markets, openness, and social stability (Ikenberry, 65). However, from these ideals states such as China have risen in power greatly, which creates worry in neighboring states (Ikenberry, 65). Nevertheless, China cannot act aggressively unless it is willing to face severe backlash (Ikenberry, 65). As a result,
Europe was constantly in civil conflict with each other prior to the aftermath of World War II. However, at the end of World War II, it became evident that the United States would dominate global politics. In fact, much of the foreign policy implemented throughout the world were simply just the goals of the United States and the United States did become the major geopolitical hegemon directing international policies which other countries would follow. In simpler terms, the United States frequently exercised power throughout the 20th century. However, with the emergence of the European Union and it’s recent economic rise rivaling that of the United States, some scholars begin to question whether the United States will be able to maintain its role in the international arena and what the role of the European Union will be. Thus, the question must be asked, Will the European Union run the 21st century? Viewing this through an economic lens, the European Union will “run” the 21st century because of other regions adopting its economic model, the sheer size of the EU economy, and its overall economic influence and power.
Transatlantic geopolitical alliance of united Europe and the United States is the foundation of Western civilization’s geopolitical strategy: on most issues of global politics the United States and the EU have the same positions, while US leadership is obvious. However, transatlantic differences between Americans and Europeans are very noticeable in recent years. Europe is becoming increasingly strong geopolitical actor in the transatlantic alliance and European politicians seek to play a more independent role. The process of European integration proceeds slowly and contradictory, but it is already clear what unprecedented opportunities it opens up for the Europeans in the field of economics, politics and defense. Creation of the European Union and the introduction of a single European currency would largely bring together the main indicators of economic and military development of the European countries and the United States.
There was a fear among European nations that the United States was getting too strong of an influence on the continent. As Trachtenberg explains, the United States was essential for Europe to rebuild itself and the NATO, serving as a mechanism to protect the continent, centered around the strong U.S. forces. But, there was a realization that Europe was right in between the conflict of the Cold War and that therefore U.S. influence should be balanced by another entity. This was, according to Trachtenberg, one of the initial moments that European nations started to think about the relevance of cooperating. Directed by Monnet’s writing, Schwabe supports Trachtenberg’s argument. Schwabe argues that Monnet saw it as an essential step in
The United States created a more protective stance on homeland security after the terrorist attacks in 2001. This defensive mentality has effected allies and enemies alike and placed more stringent security barriers at America’s gates. The changing global environment created by these terrorist activities has challenged the transatlantic relationship and its ability to produce effective counter measures. Cooperation between the US and the EU in this arena is critical to the security and economic prosperity of both regions. The EU’s limited executive authority over Justice and Homeland Affairs presents obstacles to the equal implementation of counter-terrorism measures throughout the Union.
Japan, the United States and the European Union are reducing their levels of investment in research and development (R & D), leaving China on the way to establish itself as the first investor in R & D towards 2019, according to a report the Organization for Economic Growth and Development (OECD, 2014).
The European Union and the United States are currently negotiating the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The TTIP is labelled a ‘free trade’ agreement, involving the removal of non-tariff barriers between the the US and EU, harmonizing and reducing regulatory requirements and differences in legislation on various goods produced and traded within these countries. If agreed, it will create the world’s largest ‘free trade’ zone in the world. Serious concerns have been raised in regards to the effects of the secretive TTIP on various industries and employees within the EU. TTIP could be seen as another ‘neoliberal project’ - following Margeret Thatchers pioneering - that will affect social, health and environmental
The study of international relations rests on the premise that there is always a sensible way of explaining a nation’s grand strategy, for they would not survive otherwise. From the Classical Period to the Middle Ages, from the Renaissance to the twenty-first century, historians, statesman, and political theorists have attempted to provide reason and understanding behind the decisions made by nation-states. More often than not, whether through realism or liberalism, through social constructivism or even Marxism, the theories of international relations have been able to define the guidelines for decision-making. Yet, there are times when those choices are rather questionable, and a new explanation may be called for, one that
Today they collaborate on wide variety of issues, from terrorism to human rights. They also work together on education policy. A complete account of their ongoing dialogues can be found on the following websites:
The world has changed more than any other time throughout the previous recorded history. One of the most important changes since the World War II has been the vast expansion of the international society. With the disintegration of colonialism, scores of nations in Asia and Africa, with their teeming millions, have emerged as independent sovereign states. While the traditional international society during the last two centuries and more consisted of a homogeneous group of European states, or states of European origin, with a distinct western Christian civilisation, culture and common values, the new extended world-wide community of states is extremely heterogeneous because of very different historical, social, cultural,
During his State of the European Union address on September 13, European Commission President Jean- Claude Junker called for additional inclusion of the Balkan group of member states, stating that “It is high time to bring Romania and Bulgaria into the Schengen area” and that the “EU must offer credible membership prospects to Western Balkans.” This, however, seemed only to be the begging of his intention for certain countries, such as Bulgaria, which is heavily vetted to become a member of the Eurozone. This effort seems to be supported by Euro-zone leaders, such as Macron and Merkel. They both manifested their interest in helping Bulgaria join the ERM-2 mechanism (commonly referred to as the “waiting room” for the Euro) during Bulgarian
Many authors over several decades have made an attempt to conceptualize and analyze European Union’s Foreign policy. Some interpret the policy to be an ‘ongoing puzzle’, emerging from the distinction of either being a derivative policy of a common Union, or being a policy of cooperation amongst the independent EU member states, while the others consider the policy area to be ‘a moveable feast in a state of constant flux’. (Christiansen & Tonra, 2005) (Smith H. , 2002) . There are even those academicians who presume that European Union does not have a foreign policy as it is not a sovereign institution, but is a common negotiation body institutionalized by the member states in order to formulate certain mutually favorable